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<\/a><\/p>\n\u00a0Foto: Tahrir Meydan\u0131 –\u00a0http:\/\/www.petergeoghegan.com\/<\/em><\/p>\n Anne Alexander<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n 2011 Arap devrimlerinden d\u00f6rt y\u0131l sonra umutlar\u0131 tutu\u015fturan ayaklanmalar neredeyse s\u00f6n\u00fcmlenmi\u015f gibi. Libya, Suriye ve Irak \u201cba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z devlet\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n vahim \u00f6rnekleri olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor.<\/span>[1]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Bu arada ABD liderli\u011findeki bat\u0131l\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler ve Arap m\u00fcttefikleri Kuzey Irak ve Suriye\u2019de yeniden harekete ge\u00e7ti. Bu m\u00fcdahaleyi hakl\u0131 g\u00f6stermek ad\u0131na 2003\u2019ten itibaren Irak\u2019\u0131n felakete s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmesinin \u00fcst\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6rtmek i\u00e7in olu\u015fturulan \u201cinsanc\u0131l\u201d retorik aynen kullan\u0131ld\u0131. M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck d\u00fczeni,\u00a0 H\u00fcsn\u00fc M\u00fcbarek y\u00f6netiminin en k\u00f6t\u00fc zamanlar\u0131ndan daha vah\u015fi ve kanl\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde yeniden hortlad\u0131; 14 A\u011fustos 2013\u2019te binden fazla M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Karde\u015fler taraftar\u0131 hemen bir g\u00fcn i\u00e7inde \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc, takip eden y\u0131l boyunca 40 binden fazla aktivist hapse at\u0131ld\u0131 ve Mare\u015fal Abd\u00fcl Fettah El-Sisi\u2019nin ki\u015fili\u011finde yeni bir k\u00fclt yarat\u0131ld\u0131. Bahreyn\u2019de ayaklanman\u0131n ezildi\u011fi 2011\u2019den bu yana bask\u0131n\u0131n demir yumru\u011fu s\u0131k\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 koruyor.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n aras\u0131ndan k\u0131saca \u0130slam Devleti (\u0130S) olarak da bilinen Irak \u015eam \u0130slam Devleti\u2019nin (I\u015e\u0130D) (Arap\u00e7a k\u0131saltmas\u0131 Da\u2019ash) y\u00fckseli\u015fi kendini belli belirsiz g\u00f6steriyor; en az\u0131ndan bat\u0131 medyas\u0131n\u0131n b\u00f6lgeye yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda bu b\u00f6yle. Bu vah\u015fi, mezhep\u00e7i ve cihat\u00e7\u0131 grup, Haziran 2014\u2019te Irak ordusunu def ederek Irak\u2019\u0131n ikinci b\u00fcy\u00fck kenti Musul\u2019da kontrol\u00fc ele ge\u00e7irdi. Ele ge\u00e7irdikleri \u0130ngiliz ve Amerikan vatanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n kafalar\u0131n\u0131 kesme ve kad\u0131nlara, dini az\u0131nl\u0131k mensuplar\u0131na ve kendi mezhepleri d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki di\u011fer M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u2019a uygulad\u0131klar\u0131 sistematik vah\u015fet de dahil, yayg\u0131nca reklam\u0131n\u0131 yapt\u0131klar\u0131 barbarl\u0131klar\u0131yla bat\u0131 medyas\u0131n\u0131 kendilerine kilitlediler. Bat\u0131 ve Kuzey Irak boyunca ilerlerken I\u015e\u0130D militanlar\u0131 yanlar\u0131nda katliamlar\u0131 ve etnik temizli\u011fi de g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcyor; Yezidiler\u2019in, Irak hapishanelerindeki \u015eii mahkumlar\u0131n ve Albu Nimr kabilesi \u00fcyelerinin topluca infaz edilmeleri bunun baz\u0131 \u00f6rnekleridir.<\/span>[2]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Neden I\u015e\u0130D bu kadar ilgi \u00e7ekiyor? \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fcn \u015fiddetinin etkisini internet pornografisine indirgemek ve g\u00f6zleri ba\u015fka tarafa \u00e7evirerek \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn yorulup s\u00f6n\u00fcmlenece\u011fini ummak cazip g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Fakat bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f bir\u00e7ok soruyu cevaps\u0131z b\u0131rak\u0131yor. [I\u015e\u0130D] \u015eimdiki Suudi h\u00fck\u00fcmdar ailesinin atalar\u0131 ve onlar\u0131n m\u00fcttefiki olan \u0130slamc\u0131 \u00e2limler taraf\u0131ndan iki y\u00fczy\u0131l \u00f6nce kurulan emirlikleri model alan neo-vahabi bir devlet mi? A\u015f\u0131r\u0131 h\u0131rsl\u0131 kabile-sava\u015f \u015fefleri taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilen yabanc\u0131 paral\u0131 asker \u00e7etesi mi? Irak\u2019taki \u201cS\u00fcnni elit\u201din yeni i\u015fbirli\u011fini bir arada tutan politik ve askeri bir tutkal m\u0131? Yoksa d\u0131\u015flanm\u0131\u015f cihat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131 m\u0131? Onun y\u00fckseli\u015fi \u201cS\u00fcnni-\u015eii fay hatt\u0131\u201dn\u0131n g\u00f6stergesi mi? Peki, ya K\u00fcrtler? ABD\u2019nin, K\u00f6rfez \u00fclkelerinin ve \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in y\u00fckseli\u015findeki pay\u0131 ne?<\/p>\n Elinizdeki makale bu sorulara bir nebze cevap olabilecek bir g\u00fcndem olu\u015fturmaya d\u00f6n\u00fck \u00f6n haz\u0131rl\u0131k \u00e7abas\u0131n\u0131 ifade ediyor. \u00dc\u00e7 \u00f6nemli i\u015fe odaklan\u0131yor: \u00d6ncelikle Marksist bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in analiz edilebilmesi i\u00e7in genel bir teorik \u00e7er\u00e7eve \u00e7izmek; ikinci olarak I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na yarayan Irak\u2019taki \u00f6zg\u00fcl \u015fartlar\u0131 detaylar\u0131yla ara\u015ft\u0131rmak ve son olarak Suriye Devrimi\u2019nin yenilgisi ile Irak\u2019ta 2008\u2019den sonra Nuri El-Maliki\u2019nin otoriter y\u00f6netiminin sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki etkile\u015fimin irdelenmesi. [I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in] Irak\u2019a odaklanmas\u0131, I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in \u015fu anki Irakl\u0131 liderli\u011finin oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kilit rol\u00fcn ifadesidir. \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc 2010\u2019dan bu yana y\u00f6neten Ebu Bekir El-Ba\u011fdadi\u2019nin 2006-2007 mezhep \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n kaynar kazan\u0131 olan Samara kentinden oldu\u011fu s\u00f6yleniyor; her ne kadar Ba\u011fdadi \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar s\u0131ras\u0131nda ABD g\u00f6zetimindeki Bucca Kamp\u0131\u2019nda olsa da ve ancak 2009\u2019da sal\u0131verilse de [bu tesad\u00fcf de\u011fil].[3]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Makale son olarak I\u015e\u0130D\u2019i 2011 [Arap] devrimlerinden sonra reformcu \u0130slami hareketlerin krizi ba\u011flam\u0131 i\u00e7inde de\u011ferlendiriyor. Bu analizin genel ve ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 a\u015famalar\u0131 birbiriyle derinden ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r. Irak\u2019\u0131n i\u00e7inde bo\u011fuldu\u011fu felaket, k\u00fcresel ve b\u00f6lgesel \u00f6l\u00e7ekli s\u00fcre\u00e7lerden etkilendi\u011fi kadar bu s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131na da neden oluyor. ABD\u2019nin Irak\u2019ta ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 askeri yenilginin somut sonucu olarak hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n zay\u0131flamas\u0131n\u0131, \u0130ran ve Suudi Arabistan gibi b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7lerin g\u00f6reli y\u00fckseli\u015fi takip ediyor. [Bu durum] ayn\u0131 zamanda K. Irak\u2019taki K\u00fcrt olu\u015fumunda oldu\u011fu gibi yeni \u00f6n-devletlerin kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 peki\u015ftiren ko\u015fullar\u0131 yaratan par\u00e7alanma s\u00fcrecini harekete ge\u00e7irdi.[4]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> I\u015e\u0130D bu kal\u0131b\u0131n i\u00e7inde yer alacak m\u0131? I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in liderleri, \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn sadece yeni bir devleti de\u011fil, ulus \u00f6tesi bir halifeli\u011fin ilk karakolu olacak yeni t\u00fcr bir devleti sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmak \u00fczere tarihe meydan okuyor. Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini sorgulamak i\u00e7in pek \u00e7ok neden var. Yine ABD ve m\u00fcttefiklerinin bombalar vas\u0131tas\u0131yla \u201cI\u015e\u0130D\u2019le ba\u015f etme\u201d stratejisine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmak i\u00e7in de pek \u00e7ok neden var. Bu ikisine kar\u015f\u0131 da ger\u00e7ek bir alternatif ortaya koyacak olan \u015fey; dini inan\u00e7, dil veya k\u00fclt\u00fcrel farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n \u00f6tesinde b\u00f6lgenin yoksullar\u0131n\u0131 ve ezilmi\u015flerini birle\u015ftirecek sosyal ve politik m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imleridir.<\/p>\n B\u00f6lgenin t\u00fcm egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n 40 y\u0131l boyunca neo-liberalizmi kabul etmi\u015f olmalar\u0131, bizim burada tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z di\u011fer olgunun tam olarak yerinin saptanabilmesinde nirengi noktas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu makalede Ortado\u011fu\u2019da neo-liberalizmin geli\u015fimini detayl\u0131ca ara\u015ft\u0131racak yerimiz olmamas\u0131na ra\u011fmen buradaki analiz i\u00e7in \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yan \u00fc\u00e7 noktan\u0131n alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izelim:[5]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> \u00d6ncelikle neo-liberalizm devletin ekonomideki pay\u0131n\u0131n azalmas\u0131na neden olmad\u0131. Tam tersine, Sameh Naguib\u2019in belirtti\u011fi gibi neo-liberal politikalar\u0131n kabul edilmesi \u201cdevletle sermaye aras\u0131nda daha da yak\u0131n bir ili\u015fki\u201d ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131.[6]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Devlete ait mal ve hizmet \u00fcreten karl\u0131 i\u015fletmeler \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeye ayr\u0131l\u0131rken, di\u011ferleri ihmal edildi ve kapanmaya terk edildi, fakat bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 devletle \u00f6zel sermaye aras\u0131nda yeni bir bile\u015fim yaratt\u0131; \u00f6zelle\u015ftirme, kamu varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n iktidardaki partinin y\u00f6neticilerinin \u00e7ocuklar\u0131na sat\u0131lmas\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildi.[7]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Ayn\u0131 zamanda sosyal nitelikli kamu hizmetlerinde ciddi de\u011fi\u015fiklikler ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131: Neo-liberal uygulamalar, bu hizmetleri kar sa\u011flamak amac\u0131yla mekanikle\u015ftirme olana\u011f\u0131 tan\u0131rken bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn maliyetini b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda yoksullar\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcne bindirdi. E\u011fitim ve sa\u011fl\u0131k hizmetlerini b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015firketlerden sat\u0131n alma g\u00fcc\u00fc olmayanlar, y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc bir ba\u015fka \u201c\u00f6zel\u201d tedarik\u00e7iye d\u00f6nd\u00fc: Dini vak\u0131flar ve hay\u0131r kurumlar\u0131. \u0130\u015fin ironik taraf\u0131 bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten politik fayda sa\u011flayanlar, yoksul kesim ve alt orta s\u0131n\u0131fa d\u00f6n\u00fck hay\u0131r i\u015fleri ile ayn\u0131 kesimlere yap\u0131lan ki\u015fisel takva ve \u201claik devlet\u201de k\u00fclt\u00fcrel direni\u015f \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 birle\u015ftiren muhalif \u0130slami hareketler oldu.[8]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Her ne kadar bunu yeni bir ekonomik ve politik d\u00fczene rahat ge\u00e7i\u015fe d\u00f6n\u00fck, uzun bir sosyal de\u011fi\u015fim olarak ele almak cezbedici olsa da ger\u00e7ekte s\u00fcre\u00e7, b\u00f6lgenin e\u015fitsiz ve bile\u015fik geli\u015fimini art\u0131rd\u0131. Ekonomik e\u015fitsizlik hem \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda hem de \u00fclkeler i\u00e7inde artt\u0131.[9]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Bu ayr\u0131ca kapitalist geli\u015fimin farkl\u0131 d\u00f6nemlerine ait \u00f6zelliklerin harmanlanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ihtilaflar\u0131 da derinle\u015ftirdi.[10]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Yer darl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc e\u015fitsizli\u011fin \u00f6zellikle \u00f6nem arz eden iki eksenini \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karaca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n Birincisi e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fimin ulusal ekonomiler i\u00e7inde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 uyu\u015fmazl\u0131kt\u0131r; baz\u0131 b\u00f6lgeler ve sekt\u00f6rler k\u00fcresel pazarlara di\u011ferlerine g\u00f6re daha h\u0131zl\u0131 entegre oluyor ve yat\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7ekiyor. 2008-2010 aras\u0131nda y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 kurakl\u0131kla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fan Suriye\u2019nin tar\u0131m merkezlerini terk eden on binlerce insan\u0131n yerle\u015fti\u011fi \u015fehirler ve gecekondu mahalleri boyunca h\u0131zla yay\u0131lan 2011 Suriye devrimi bunun bir \u00f6rne\u011fidir.[11]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> \u00dclkenin en fakir \u00fc\u00e7 b\u00f6lgesi (Deir Ezzor, Hassaka ve Rakka[12]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a>) ayn\u0131 zamanda I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in Suriye\u2019de g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc peki\u015ftirmesini sa\u011flayan yatak vazifesi g\u00f6rd\u00fc.<\/p>\n Ayn\u0131 \u00f6neme sahip ikinci \u00f6rnek Ortado\u011fu \u00e7ap\u0131nda da, k\u00fcresel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte de a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 artan K\u00f6rfez sermayesidir. Adam Hanieh\u2019in g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi gibi \u00fcretim, emtia ve finansal sermaye ak\u0131m\u0131 \u00e7evrimlerini kapsayan holdingler b\u00f6lge \u00e7ap\u0131nda hayati bir rol oynamaya ba\u015flad\u0131: \u0130malata ve hizmetlere yat\u0131r\u0131m yapma; bor\u00e7lar, diplomasi ve tehditler vas\u0131tas\u0131yla yeni pazarlar pe\u015finde ko\u015fma.[13]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Bu e\u015fitsizlik K\u00f6rfez \u00fclkelerini ge\u00e7mi\u015fe g\u00f6re \u00e7ok daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc b\u00f6lgesel akt\u00f6rler haline getirdi. Bunlar M\u0131s\u0131r ve Suriye devrimlerinin ak\u0131betlerine \u015fekil verme kapasitesine sahip oldu: M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da ordunun liderli\u011findeki kar\u015f\u0131-devrime arka \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor, Suriye\u2019deki askeri m\u00fccadelede silahl\u0131 \u0130slami gruplar \u00fczerinde hegemonya kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar.<\/p>\n Neo-liberalizm, kapitalizmin \u00f6nceki a\u015famas\u0131na ait politik ve sosyal ili\u015fkileri tamam\u0131yla silip s\u00fcp\u00fcrmedi; aksine onlarla yeni ve dengesiz bir kar\u0131\u015f\u0131m i\u00e7ine girdi. Amerikan i\u015fgalinden 11 y\u0131l sonra D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 2012\u2019de yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cIrak Yat\u0131r\u0131m \u0130klimi De\u011ferlendirmesi\u201dnde \u00fclke ekonomisinin hala devletin hakimiyetinde olmas\u0131ndan yak\u0131n\u0131yordu: \u201c\u00d6zel sekt\u00f6r g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir role veya varl\u0131\u011fa sahip ve onun geli\u015fimini sa\u011flayacak te\u015fvik tedbirleri eksik\u201d.[14]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Bu, neo-liberal ilkelerin uygulan\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ekonomide hi\u00e7bir etki yaratmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmiyor. Bu ilkeler, Irak politikas\u0131n\u0131 ve toplumu temelden yeniden \u015fekillendiriyor. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 ilk defa 1990\u2019lar boyunca yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar alt\u0131ndaki Baas\u00e7\u0131 rejim zaman\u0131nda devletin alt\u0131n\u0131 oymaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Daha sonra onu k\u0131smen par\u00e7alad\u0131 ve 2003\u2019ten sonra mezhep\u00e7i partiler ve silahl\u0131 gruplar\u0131n y\u00f6netti\u011fi yeni bir otoriter sistem alt\u0131nda par\u00e7alar\u0131 yeniden bir araya getirdi.<\/p>\n Analizimizin ikinci nirengi noktas\u0131 fikirlerin nas\u0131l olu\u015ftu\u011funa dair Karl Marx\u2019\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130ster genel dini inan\u0131\u015flar\u0131, isterse \u00f6zelde mezhep\u00e7i ideolojileri veya belli \u0130slami gruplar\u0131n politik perspektiflerini inceleyelim Marksist bir analiz, fikirlerin somut ger\u00e7eklerden ayr\u0131, kendilerine ait ya\u015famlar\u0131 oldu\u011fu sav\u0131n\u0131 (ki bu \u00f6nerme yayg\u0131nca kabul g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr) reddeder. Hakim e\u011filime dahil olan pek \u00e7ok yorumcu Ortado\u011fu \u00f6zelinde daha da ileri giderek halk\u0131n dini inan\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n somut ger\u00e7e\u011fi belirledi\u011fini; b\u00f6ylelikle b\u00f6lgenin anla\u015f\u0131labilmesinin yolunun b\u00f6lgenin \u201ckadim d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131klar\u0131\u201dndan ge\u00e7ti\u011fini iddia eder.[15]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> I\u015e\u0130D sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ifade etti\u011fi fikirlerin s\u00fcrekli biyolojik veya epidemiyolojik[*]<\/a> mecazlarla tasvir edilmesi tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir. Alastair Crooke \u00e7ok okunan bir makalesinde I\u015e\u0130D\u2019i \u201cVahabi gen\u201din bir \u201cmutasyonu\u201d olarak sunar; bu, Suudi Hanedan\u0131\u2019n\u0131n uzun s\u00fcreli m\u00fcttefiki olan 18. Yy. Arap alimi Muhammed \u0130bn Abd-el-Vahab ve onun takip\u00e7ilerinin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu ideolojinin transplantasyonunun[\u2020]<\/a> ba\u015fka bir ifadesidir.[16]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Esas\u0131nda bu yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n sorunu her zaman yanl\u0131\u015f olmalar\u0131 de\u011fil: Resmi Suudi politikas\u0131n\u0131n yayd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cvahabilik\u201d\u0131n, sonradan Suudi rejimin kendisini tehdit etme riski do\u011furan gruplar taraf\u0131ndan sahiplenildi\u011fi konusunda Crooke tamamen hakl\u0131d\u0131r. Fakat tarihin direksiyonuna insan eylemi yerine fikirleri oturtmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak, toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fimi do\u011furan s\u00fcre\u00e7leri anla\u015f\u0131lmaz hale getirir. Chris Harman\u2019\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi: \u201c\u0130nsanlar ko\u015fullar\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z hareket edemez. Fakat bu onlara mahkum olduklar\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmez. S\u00fcrekli etraflar\u0131ndaki nesnel d\u00fcnyayla \u201c\u00e7at\u0131\u015fma\u201d i\u00e7ine girerler, bunun kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda hem kendilerini hem de d\u00fcnyay\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrecek bir y\u00f6ntemle tepki verirler.[17]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Irak\u2019\u0131n ger\u00e7ek tarihi, medyan\u0131n sundu\u011fu basite indirgenmi\u015f manzaradan tamamen farkl\u0131 bir hikaye anlat\u0131r. Dinsel, dilsel, etnik cemaatler ve a\u015firetler birbirinden kopuk, mozaik par\u00e7alar\u0131 de\u011fildi ve hi\u00e7bir zaman da \u00f6yle olmad\u0131lar. \u00d6rne\u011fin 20. Yy.\u0131n ortalar\u0131nda Irak\u2019ta \u015eiiler ile S\u00fcnniler aras\u0131 evlilikler g\u00f6rece yayg\u0131nd\u0131. S\u00fcnni ve \u015eii \u0130slam; K\u00fcrtler, Araplar ve T\u00fcrkmenler aras\u0131ndaki dilsel b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00fcst\u00fcne \u00e7izgi \u00e7ekiyor, \u00fcyeleri S\u00fcnni ve \u015eiiler\u2019den olu\u015fan a\u015firet konfederasyonlar\u0131 kuruluyordu.[18]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Daha da \u00f6tesi b\u00fct\u00fcn bu \u201ccemaatler\u201dde s\u0131n\u0131fsal b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeler s\u00f6z konusuydu; kendilerinin b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumu temsil etti\u011fi iddias\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan toprak a\u011falar\u0131, i\u015fadamlar\u0131 ve \u00fcst d\u00fczey devlet memurlar\u0131 (elbette) toplumun \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fundan farkl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlara sahipti.<\/p>\n Her ne kadar \u00f6zellikle \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminden do\u011fan sosyal ili\u015fkilerin \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselen bu dikey toplumsal yar\u0131lmalar, dini inan\u00e7 veya a\u015firet ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselen yatay b\u00f6l\u00fcnmelere oranla Irak toplumunun daha ger\u00e7ek bir resmini sunsa da sava\u015f, yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar ve i\u015fgalle ge\u00e7en 20 y\u0131l mezhep bilincini g\u00fc\u00e7lendiren yeni bir temel yaratt\u0131. Caminin elektrik jenerat\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc ailelerin de kullan\u0131m\u0131na a\u00e7arak vaazlar\u0131n\u0131n cazibesini art\u0131ran din adamlar\u0131 veya h\u00fck\u00fcmet yetkilileriyle olan ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 sayesinde destek\u00e7ilerine i\u015f olana\u011f\u0131 sa\u011flayan ve onlar\u0131n hamili\u011fini \u00fcstlenen a\u015firet liderleri, \u201cas\u0131l\u201d ili\u015fkileri \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 birle\u015ftiren yeni sosyal ba\u011flant\u0131lar yarat\u0131yor. Bu sosyal ili\u015fkilerin sa\u011flaml\u0131\u011f\u0131 veya zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, di\u011fer ili\u015fkilerin sa\u011flaml\u0131\u011f\u0131 veya zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclemez. Milyonlar\u0131 evlerini terk etmeye zorlayan i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131n par\u00e7alad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir toplumda, i\u015f bulma kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bir a\u015firet lideri veya bir dini askeri g\u00fc\u00e7 i\u00e7in sava\u015fma teklifi, bireyler ve onlar\u0131n aileleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ya\u015famla \u00f6l\u00fcm aras\u0131ndaki fark\u0131 olu\u015fturabilir. Bu ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7ilerin s\u0131n\u0131f dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 pratikte s\u0131namalar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00e7ok az olanaklar\u0131 vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n T\u0131pk\u0131 bunun gibi \u0130slami hareketleri anlamak i\u00e7in \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu onlar\u0131n ifadeleri de\u011fil, sosyal i\u00e7erikleridir; ba\u015fka bir ifadeyle \u00fcyelerinin kendi aralar\u0131ndaki ve liderlerle ili\u015fkiler ve toplumdaki s\u0131n\u0131fsal b\u00f6l\u00fcnmelerdir. M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Karde\u015fler gibi kitlesel hareketler kendi i\u00e7lerinde genellikle \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck sosyal \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar ta\u015f\u0131r; liderli\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan, yoksul k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fckten veya alt orta s\u0131n\u0131ftan gelen \u00fcyelerinin istekleriyle genellikle \u00e7eli\u015fir.[19]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> I\u015e\u0130D, \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 karaktere sahip bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmedir (hep de \u00f6yle oldu); Amerikan i\u015fgali alt\u0131ndaki Irak\u2019ta birbiriyle rekabet eden silahl\u0131 mezhep \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin rekabetinden do\u011fan, elitist bir askeri \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmedir I\u015e\u0130D. Bunu a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da daha detayl\u0131 i\u015fleyece\u011fiz.<\/p>\n Bu, \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn; farkl\u0131 sosyal s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n olu\u015fturdu\u011fu halk\u0131n sosyal ve politik de\u011fi\u015fime d\u00f6n\u00fck, \u00e7eli\u015fkili isteklerinden veya bu umutlar\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan di\u011fer \u00f6rg\u00fctleri yenmek veya onlar\u0131 marjinalize etmek i\u00e7in istifade etmedi\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmez. \u00d6rne\u011fin \u00f6rg\u00fct, Irak devletini y\u00f6neten mezhep\u00e7i \u015eii partilerinin uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrekli bask\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 S\u00fcnniler\u2019i koruma vaadiyle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 ve bu sayede b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in kendi silahl\u0131 yap\u0131s\u0131 ile s\u0131radan halk\u0131n sosyal ve politik de\u011fi\u015fim i\u00e7in g\u00f6sterece\u011fi her t\u00fcrl\u00fc bilin\u00e7li eyleminin reddini birle\u015ftirmesinden dolay\u0131 onu biz devrimci sosyalistler; Hamas, Hizbullah[\u2021]<\/a> veya di\u011fer \u0130slami \u00f6rg\u00fctlerle ayn\u0131 kefeye koyamay\u0131z.[20]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> S\u0131radan insanlar i\u00e7in ger\u00e7ek sosyal ve politik de\u011fi\u015fim iste\u011finin zaman zaman y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fcn \u015fa\u015fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7an bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin aksine I\u015e\u0130D, bir \u00e7\u0131kmaz sokakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmam\u0131z\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc nirengi noktas\u0131 genelde b\u00f6lgedeki emperyalizmin, \u00f6zelde ise Irak\u2019ta kaosa yol a\u00e7an Amerikan i\u015fgalinin Marksist analizidir. Alex Callinicos\u2019un bu dergide ve ba\u015fka yerlerde uzun uzad\u0131ya ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi bu \u201cma\u011frur proje\u201dnin hata vermesi hem k\u00fcresel hem de b\u00f6lgesel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte ciddi sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furdu.[21]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Yukar\u0131da belirtildi\u011fi gibi b\u00f6lgesel d\u00fczeyde neo-liberal \u00e7abalar ile Amerikan imparatorlu\u011funun Irak\u2019ta a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 gerilmesi birle\u015fti, birka\u00e7 boyutta merkezin par\u00e7alanma s\u00fcreci ile \u00e7evrenin y\u0131pranmas\u0131na neden oldu. Amerikan hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6rece zay\u0131flamas\u0131, t\u0131pk\u0131 I\u015e\u0130D gibi yeni ve \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclemez akt\u00f6rlerin y\u00fckselmesine olanak sa\u011flamas\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7lere birbirlerine kar\u015f\u0131 manevralar yapmak i\u00e7in daha fazla alan a\u00e7t\u0131. Daha \u00f6nceki emperyalist m\u00fcdahalelerin do\u011furdu\u011fu sorunlar\u0131 \u201c\u00e7\u00f6zmek\u201d i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan yeni m\u00fcdahaleler (ister bombalama olsun isterse kara birliklerini konu\u015fland\u0131rma) ya I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in halk\u0131 kendi hakimiyeti alt\u0131nda koruma iddias\u0131na destek sa\u011flayacak ya da [I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in] ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131racak uygun bir ortam yaratacak. Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki emperyalist m\u00fcdahaleler ile Avrupa\u2019da ve ABD\u2019de y\u00fckselen \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k ve islamofobia aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011flant\u0131y\u0131 ortaya serecek kadar yerimiz olmasa da [\u015funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz ki] bu iki s\u00fcre\u00e7 birbiriyle yak\u0131ndan ilgilidir. [Emperyalist m\u00fcdahaleler] sonucunda yabanc\u0131la\u015fmadan ac\u0131 \u00e7ekenler aras\u0131nda I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in yeni, yabanc\u0131 militanlar bulmas\u0131 kolayla\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n Analizimizin dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 son \u00f6nemli husus ki\u015filer-\u00fcst\u00fc, uzun vadeli \u201cs\u00fcre\u00e7ler\u201din sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerinde insan fakt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 rold\u00fcr. Bir anlamda bu, analizin farkl\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7eklerinin birbiriyle ba\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kurma meselesidir. Devrimci Marksizm\u2019in en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc taraflar\u0131ndan bir tanesi, toplumun nas\u0131l i\u015fledi\u011fini daha iyi anlamam\u0131z\u0131 sa\u011flayan soyutlama \u00f6zelli\u011fi vas\u0131tas\u0131yla ki\u015fisel ve kolektif eylemin birbiriyle ba\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kurma becerisidir. Marksist analiz benzersiz bir perspektif sunar, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc I\u015e\u0130D\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 ger\u00e7ek bir alternatif sunan [birey ile yap\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki] ili\u015fkiyi kavrar: 2011 devrimlerinin \u015fiar\u0131 olan ekmek, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve sosyal adalet m\u00fccadelesi veren b\u00f6lgenin s\u0131radan insan kitlesinin aktif m\u00fcdahalesi.<\/p>\n Amerika\u2019n\u0131n 2003\u2019te Irak\u2019\u0131 i\u015fgal etmesi, Irak devletinin ve toplumunun d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc ba\u015flatan bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 yaratt\u0131. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 (ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olmamakla birlikte) I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in 2014\u2019te g\u00fcn y\u00fcz\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na do\u011fru ilerledi. Amerikan yetkilileri; kontenjan sistemine g\u00f6re i\u015fleyen, iktidar\u0131n farkl\u0131 dini ve ulusal topluluklar\u0131n temsilcileri aras\u0131nda b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesi temelinde y\u00fckselen bir \u201cortakla\u015fmac\u0131 demokrasi (consociational democracy)\u201d yaratmak i\u00e7in \u00e7ok u\u011fra\u015ft\u0131. Irak\u2019\u0131 ortakla\u015fmac\u0131 y\u00f6netme yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, Ge\u00e7ici Koalisyon H\u00fck\u00fcmeti\u2019nin idaresiyle g\u00f6revlendirilmi\u015f Paul Bremer gibi a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 neo-liberalizm taraftar\u0131 fig\u00fcrlerle; yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar, sava\u015f ve i\u015fgalle par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015f bir toplumda zehirli bir kar\u0131\u015f\u0131m ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmak i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7ti. 2003\u2019te Amerikan yetkilileri kendilerinden emin bir \u015fekilde gerekti\u011finde mezhep\u00e7i g\u00fc\u00e7leri \u201cdo\u011fru\u201d y\u00f6ne do\u011fru iteleyerek denge sa\u011flay\u0131p mekanizman\u0131n kendi lehlerine \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 umuyorlard\u0131. Ger\u00e7ekte ise yaratt\u0131klar\u0131 sistem h\u0131zl\u0131ca kontrollerinden \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 ve 2007-2008 \u201cdalgas\u0131\u201d s\u0131ras\u0131nda ancak b\u00fcy\u00fck paralar ve askeri g\u00fcc\u00fcn \u00fclkeye ak\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131yla ge\u00e7ici olarak d\u00fczeltilebildi.<\/p>\n 2003 sonras\u0131ndaki geli\u015fmeleri do\u011fru bir ba\u011flama oturtmak \u00f6nemlidir. Irak toplumu 2003 \u00f6ncesinde kesinlikle mezhep ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan vareste de\u011fildi. Baas rejimi uzun s\u00fcre mezhep\u00e7ili\u011fi kulland\u0131 ve iktidar\u0131n devam\u0131 i\u00e7in etnik \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 k\u00f6r\u00fckledi. \u00d6rne\u011fin onun propaganda ayg\u0131t\u0131 \u00fclkedeki t\u00fcm muhalif \u015eii gruplar\u0131 kom\u015fu \u0130ran i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u201cbe\u015finci kolon (fifth column)\u201d [\u00a7]<\/a> olarak tasvir ediyor, petrol zengini kuzey illeri Kerk\u00fck ve Musul\u2019da kontrol\u00fc sa\u011flayabilmek i\u00e7in K. Irak\u2019taki geni\u015f K\u00fcrt b\u00f6lgelerine Arap k\u00f6kenlileri yerle\u015ftiriyordu. Yine de devlette farkl\u0131 inan\u00e7 gruplar\u0131na mensup Irakl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n istihdam ediliyor olmas\u0131 da dahil birka\u00e7 fakt\u00f6r mezhep ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n toplum \u00fczerindeki etkisini zay\u0131flat\u0131yordu. Saddam H\u00fcseyin\u2019in kuzeydeki K\u00fcrt isyan\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ac\u0131mas\u0131z sava\u015f\u0131n tepe noktas\u0131nda bile ba\u015fkent Ba\u011fdat, geni\u015f bir K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfus bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131yordu[22]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a>. \u0130ran-Irak Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda baz\u0131 \u015eii g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin taraf de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye ikna \u00e7abalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen sil\u00e2halt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f Irakl\u0131 \u015eiiler\u2019in \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu saflar\u0131 terk edip \u0130ran\u2019l\u0131 dinda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n taraf\u0131na ge\u00e7medi. Dahas\u0131 Kom\u00fcnist Parti ve Baas Partisi gibi laik g\u00fc\u00e7lerin rekabetinin damgas\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan, ba\u011fr\u0131nda grevlerin ve toplumsal protestolar\u0131n en y\u00fcksek d\u00fczeyini bar\u0131nd\u0131ran 1940\u2019larla 60\u2019lar aras\u0131ndaki b\u00fcy\u00fck politik m\u00fccadelelerin miras\u0131, eski ku\u015fak militanlar aras\u0131nda hala etkiliydi.[23]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Fakat Irak kuvvetlerinin 1991\u2019deki yenilgisi ve bunun hemen ard\u0131ndan tedav\u00fcle sokulan yapt\u0131r\u0131m sisteminin bir sonucu olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan toplumun fakirle\u015fmesi, mezhep\u00e7ili\u011fin toplumda k\u00f6k salmas\u0131na \u00e7ok daha uygun bir ortam sa\u011flad\u0131. Irak\u2019\u0131n g\u00fcneyinde ba\u015flayan ayaklanman\u0131n sersemletici etkisi alt\u0131ndaki Baas rejimi can havliyle askeri ve politik alanda h\u00fck\u00fcmetin taraf\u0131nda hareket edecek m\u00fcttefikler aramaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Saddam H\u00fcseyin, merkezi iktidar\u0131n zay\u0131flamas\u0131 sonucu g\u00fc\u00e7lenen a\u015firetlerin liderleriyle ili\u015fkileri d\u00fczenlemek ad\u0131na bir \u201cA\u015firet \u0130\u015fleri Kurumu\u201d olu\u015fturdu. Ayn\u0131 zamanda dini kampanyalar e\u015fli\u011finde S\u00fcnni varl\u0131\u011fa yaltaklanarak kendini b\u00fcy\u00fck bir S\u00fcnni lider olarak lanse etti. Bu s\u0131rada uluslararas\u0131 yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n ezici bask\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131ndaki kamu kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n zay\u0131flamas\u0131, dini kurumlar\u0131n [ve\/veya vak\u0131flar\u0131n] \u00e7aresizlik i\u00e7inde k\u0131vranan halka sosyal hizmetler, e\u011fitim ve sa\u011fl\u0131k hizmetleri sa\u011flayarak faaliyet alanlar\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015flettikleri bo\u015f alanlar yaratt\u0131.[24]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n En ba\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren, hatta Ba\u011fdat\u2019a ayak basmadan \u00f6nce Amerikal\u0131 yetkililer Irak\u2019\u0131 birbiriyle rekabet halindeki m\u00fcstakil cemaatlerden m\u00fcrekkep bir \u00fclke olarak de\u011ferlendirdi. Bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 2003\u2019te Amerikan yetkililer aras\u0131nda bolca dola\u015fan bir Irak haritas\u0131nda g\u00f6sterilen \u015eii ve S\u00fcnni Araplar ve S\u00fcnni K\u00fcrtler\u2019in n\u00fcfus oranlar\u0131 hakk\u0131ndaki kaba tahminlere dayan\u0131yordu.[25]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Mezhep \u201cdenge\u201dsi (bunun sonucu olarak mezhepler aras\u0131 rekabet) ba\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren Amerikan\u2019\u0131n Irak\u2019\u0131nda kutsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131.[26]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n \u201cMuhasasa\u201d uygulamas\u0131 veya mezhep ayr\u0131m\u0131na dayal\u0131 atama sisteminin kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc mezhep\u00e7i anlay\u0131\u015fa derinden ba\u011fl\u0131 partiler taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netildi. Toby Dodge\u2019\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi bu \u201cger\u00e7ekte Irak kamu m\u00fclklerinin \u00f6zelle\u015ftirilmesi\u201d sistemidir. \u201cSistem, Irakl\u0131 siyasi elitlerin ki\u015fisel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 veya kendilerini temsil eden partilerin fonlanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in kamu m\u00fclklerini soymalar\u0131na izin veriyordu.\u201d [27]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Bu s\u00fcrecin h\u0131zla kontrolden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p sarpa sarmas\u0131n\u0131n temel nedeni bunun Irak\u2019\u0131n geriye kalan alt-yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n neo-liberal talan\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 etkile\u015fimidir. Paul Bremer yang\u0131ndan mal ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131rcas\u0131na kanun g\u00fcc\u00fcne dayanarak kamu sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc, sosyal hizmetleri ve sa\u011fl\u0131k sistemini \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeye a\u00e7t\u0131.[28]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Her ne kadar Amerikan \u015firketleri h\u0131zl\u0131ca hamle yapm\u0131\u015f olsalar da Irak kamu m\u00fclklerinin par\u00e7a par\u00e7a kopar\u0131lmas\u0131ndan esas istifade edenler uluslararas\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131lar de\u011fil; yerel kodamanlar, silahl\u0131 gruplar\u0131n liderleri ve bu m\u00fclklerin \u00e7o\u011funu [\u00fcyelerine] himaye [sa\u011flama] k\u0131l\u0131f\u0131 alt\u0131nda \u00e7ok karl\u0131 kurumlara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren mezhep partileri oldu.[29]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten esas kazan\u00e7l\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kanlar ABD\u2019yle yak\u0131n ili\u015fkiler kuran Da\u2019wa Partisi ve onun rakibi Irak \u0130slam Y\u00fcksek Konseyi (I\u0130YK) gibi \u015eii partileri oldu. Mezhep\u00e7i bir temelden hareketle Amerikan i\u015fgaline \u015eii deste\u011fini harekete ge\u00e7irmeye d\u00f6n\u00fck \u00e7aba sarf ettiler. \u0130\u015fgale kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan Mukteda El-Sadr hareketi gibi di\u011fer \u015eii g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. K\u00fcrdistan Yurtseverler Birli\u011fi (KYB) lideri Celal Talabani\u2019nin 2005\u2019te cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 olmas\u0131, Amerika\u2019n\u0131n K\u00fcrt m\u00fcttefiklerinin kazanc\u0131 oldu. Bu arada KYB ve Mesut Barzani\u2019nin liderli\u011findeki di\u011fer K\u00fcrt fraksiyonu K\u00fcrdistan Demokratik Partisi (KDP) n\u00fcfusunun \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu K\u00fcrtler\u2019in olu\u015fturdu\u011fu K. Irak\u2019taki konumlar\u0131n\u0131 (ki 1990\u2019larda Amerika\u2019n\u0131n himayesindeki u\u00e7u\u015fa yasak b\u00f6lge uygulamas\u0131 sayesinde fiili ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k elde etmi\u015flerdi) g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdiler.[30]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n ABD ile m\u00fcttefik olan \u015eii \u0130slamc\u0131 partilerin \u015eii cemaate d\u00f6n\u00fck y\u00fckselttikleri dayan\u0131\u015fma \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131, i\u00e7inde \u015eii-S\u00fcnni \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 bar\u0131nd\u0131ran yeni politik yap\u0131lanma tehlikesinin yans\u0131mas\u0131yd\u0131. \u00c7\u0131plak ger\u00e7ek \u015fu ki ABD ve m\u00fcttefiklerinin i\u015fgalden sonra kurduklar\u0131 Irak d\u00fczeni, S\u00fcnni Felluce ve \u015eii Necef ve Sadr kentlerindeki sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 d\u00fczenleyen sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n bozma tehdidiyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yayd\u0131; bu sald\u0131r\u0131lar birbiriyle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olmasa bile. Amerika\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen gazetelerinin ve hatta Ge\u00e7ici Koalisyon H\u00fck\u00fcmeti\u2019nin kendisinin Mart ve May\u0131s 2004\u2019te yapt\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 kamuoyu yoklamalar\u0131; bask\u0131lardan esas nasibini alanlar\u0131n S\u00fcnniler olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, hem S\u00fcnni hem de \u015eii \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde halk\u0131n y\u00fczde 80\u2019inin Amerikan askerlerini i\u015fgalci olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve y\u00fczde 81\u2019inin de askerlerin gitmesini istediklerini ortaya seriyordu.[31]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n 2004\u2019te \u015eii askerlerinin Amerikal\u0131lar\u2019la birlikte Felluce\u2019deki isyan\u0131 bast\u0131rmaya gitmeyi reddetmeleri askeri oldu\u011fu kadar politik bir meseledir.[32]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Yine de ABD ve m\u00fcttefikleri S\u00fcnni ve \u015eii b\u00f6lgelerinde farkl\u0131 mezheplerden isyanc\u0131lar\u0131n bir araya gelmeye ba\u015flamalar\u0131n\u0131 engelleme konusunda ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 oldular. Silahl\u0131 isyan\u0131n merkezi olan Irak\u2019\u0131n bat\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerini (\u00f6zellikle de Felluce\u2019yi) izole edip buraya \u015fiddetle sald\u0131rd\u0131lar. Bu i\u015flem, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u015eiiler\u2019in ortak \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131n Baas rejiminden sonra olu\u015fan yeni devlet kurumlar\u0131nda iktidar\u0131n [\u015eiiler\u2019in] elinde toplanmas\u0131nda oldu\u011fu fikrini pohpohlayan bir stratejiyle tamamland\u0131. Bu bak\u0131mdan \u00f6nde gelen \u015eii dini fig\u00fcrlerden Ayetullah Ali El-Sistani\u2019nin m\u00fcdahalesi kritik \u00f6nem arz ediyordu. El-Sistani g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir \u015fekilde 2005 parlamento se\u00e7ilerine kat\u0131l\u0131m \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapt\u0131; b\u00f6ylece Mukteda El-Sadr gibi ABD kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 \u015eii liderlerin S\u00fcnni isyanc\u0131lar\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 boykot \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 desteklemesini zorla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131.[33]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n 2004-2005 s\u00fcreciyle birlikte mezhepsel b\u00f6l\u00fcnmenin \u00fcstesinden gelerek ABD\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 politik ve askeri birlikler kurma potansiyeli azald\u0131. Bunun \u00f6nemli nedenlerinden birisi, devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irme hedefinde genel olarak uzla\u015fan \u015eii \u0130slamc\u0131 partilerin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu mezhepsel birli\u011fin g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesidir (ve Mukteda El-Sadr\u2019\u0131n Mehdi Ordusu gibi Amerikan kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 \u015eii g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin bu konsens\u00fcsle ba\u015f etmekteki yetersizli\u011fidir). Di\u011fer \u00f6nemli bir fakt\u00f6r Felluce ve Anbar b\u00f6lgesinin di\u011fer kentlerindeki silahl\u0131 direni\u015fi b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7apl\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131larla ortadan kald\u0131rmaya d\u00f6n\u00fck Amerikan stratejisidir. Bu iki fakt\u00f6r birlikte Irak El Kaidesi (IEK) gibi S\u00fcnni cihat\u00e7\u0131 gruplar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fcmesine alan a\u00e7t\u0131. IEK, \u00dcrd\u00fcnl\u00fc \u0130slamc\u0131 Ebu Musab El-Zarkavi liderli\u011finde 2004\u2019te kurulduktan hemen sonra, Usama Bin Ladin\u2019in El Kaidesi\u2019ne ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k yeminini deklere etti. IEK\u2019n\u0131n Amerikan g\u00fc\u00e7lerine kar\u015f\u0131 etkili olmas\u0131, Irak\u2019\u0131n bat\u0131s\u0131ndaki sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n g\u00f6z\u00fcnde cazibesini art\u0131rd\u0131. Fakat \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn liderleri \u015eiiler\u2019in mabetlerine ve hac mekanlar\u0131na kitlesel bombalama eylemleri vas\u0131tas\u0131yla mezhepler aras\u0131 bir i\u00e7 sava\u015f ba\u015flatmaya odakland\u0131lar.[34]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Bu arada I\u0130YK\u2019ne ba\u011fl\u0131 Bedir Tugay\u0131 ve Mehdi Ordusu\u2019nun da i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitli \u015eii fraksiyonlar\u0131n\u0131n silahl\u0131 milisleri, polis ve g\u00fcvenlik g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin i\u00e7ine girerek S\u00fcnni kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 \u00f6l\u00fcm mangalar\u0131 gibi \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlard\u0131, her ay y\u00fczlerce Irakl\u0131\u2019ya i\u015fkence ettiler ve \u00f6ld\u00fcrd\u00fcler.[35]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> \u015eubat 2006\u2019da \u015eiiler\u2019in Samara\u2019daki El-Askeri Camii\u2019nin bombalanmas\u0131 Ba\u011fdat\u2019ta sistematik etnik temizlik furyas\u0131n\u0131n fitilini ate\u015fledi; \u00f6nceden kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k olan yerle\u015fim b\u00f6lgelerinin ayr\u0131lmas\u0131na ve \u201cyanl\u0131\u015f\u201d tarafta kalan di\u011fer mezhepten olanlar\u0131n evlerinden ka\u00e7mak zorunda kalmalar\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131.[36]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Irak\u2019\u0131n bat\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerinde cihat\u00e7\u0131 gruplar\u0131n ve di\u011fer Amerikan kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n olu\u015fturdu\u011fu ge\u00e7ici ittifak, ABD i\u00e7in hem askeri hem de politik olarak b\u00fcy\u00fck bir sorun te\u015fkil etti. Felluce\u2019ye d\u00fczenlenen sald\u0131r\u0131larda oldu\u011fu gibi iyi organize edilmi\u015f \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 kal\u0131c\u0131 bir direni\u015f i\u00e7in uygun ko\u015fullar yaratt\u0131. [ABD ve m\u00fcttefikleri] 2006\u2019da Anbar b\u00f6lgesindeki cihat\u00e7\u0131 gruplarla di\u011fer silahl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin taktiksel ittifak\u0131n\u0131 par\u00e7alayarak bir at\u0131l\u0131m ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirme plan\u0131 ortaya koydular. Bu baz\u0131 yerlerde \u201cUyan\u0131\u015f\u201d (Arap\u00e7as\u0131 sahwa) olarak an\u0131l\u0131r. Bu, ABD birlikleriyle bir dizi Anbar a\u015firet liderlerinin yerel askeri ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olarak ba\u015flad\u0131. ABD g\u00fc\u00e7leri, IEK\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleye kat\u0131lan Anbarl\u0131 g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fclere e\u011fitim verdi, silah ve para yard\u0131m\u0131nda bulundu.[37]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Ortakl\u0131k ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta, a\u015firetlerin daha alt d\u00fczey liderleri taraf\u0131ndan desteklendi. Bunlar\u0131n itibarlar\u0131 \u015fiddetin derecesinin artmas\u0131 nedeniyle s\u00fcrg\u00fcne ka\u00e7an a\u015firet liderlerine g\u00f6re ortakl\u0131\u011fa daha fazla ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131yd\u0131.[38]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Baz\u0131 kaynaklar IEK\u2019nin bu a\u015firet liderlerinin otoritesine meydan okudu\u011funu ve a\u015firet hiyerar\u015fisi i\u00e7inde d\u0131\u015flanan baz\u0131 liderleri kendisine \u00e7ekti\u011fini ima ediyordu.[39]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n IEK ile di\u011fer Anbar isyanc\u0131 gruplar\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015fbirli\u011finin temeli b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Amerikan askeri g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yerel halk\u0131n g\u00fcvenli\u011fine y\u00f6neltilmi\u015f en \u00f6nemli tehdit oldu\u011fu y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki ortak g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. \u00d6rne\u011fin Felluce kentinin ABD i\u015fgal g\u00fcc\u00fc ve Irak iktidar\u0131yla olan deneyimi son derece ac\u0131yd\u0131. 2004\u2019te kent ku\u015fatma alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131 ve daha sonra Amerikan g\u00fc\u00e7leri iki defa kentin \u00fcst\u00fcne \u00e7ulland\u0131:<\/p>\n 2004 sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 36 bin bina, 8400 d\u00fckkan, 3 su ar\u0131t\u0131m hatt\u0131 ve 2 elektrik santrali dahil kentin alt yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fczde 70\u2019ini \u00e7\u00f6kertti. Siviller kente geri d\u00f6nd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde Amerikan g\u00fc\u00e7leri onlar\u0131n parmak izlerini al\u0131p iris taramas\u0131na tabi tuttular. \u015eehre giren \u00e7\u0131kan herkes ABD\u2019nin \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131\u011f\u0131 biyometrik kimlik kart\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermek zorundayd\u0131.[40]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n M\u00fcttefiklerinin ve kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131ndaki b\u00f6lgelerin \u00fczerinde otoritesini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmek i\u00e7in bir cinayet ve sindirme harekat\u0131 furyas\u0131 ba\u015flatan IEK h\u0131zl\u0131ca itibar kaybetti. Irak h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin gittik\u00e7e artt\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 mezhep\u00e7i uygulamalardan mustarip olan ve kenara itilen, buna ra\u011fmen di\u015fe di\u015f mezhep sava\u015f\u0131na dahil olmam\u0131\u015f olan pek \u00e7ok Anbarl\u0131 \u00fczerinde IEK\u2019nin bu taktikleri tiksindirici etki uyand\u0131rd\u0131.[41]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Amerikan ordusunun \u201cUyan\u0131\u015f\u201d \u00fczerine anlat\u0131lanlardan derledi\u011fi resmi bir yay\u0131n (300 sayfadan uzun) Amerikal\u0131 yetkililerin \u201ckalpleri ve ak\u0131llar\u0131 fethetmek\u201d i\u00e7in nas\u0131l yo\u011fun \u00e7aba sarf ettiklerini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koyar. Irakl\u0131 bir polisin \u201cMiriam\u201d isimli e\u015fiyle yap\u0131lan bir r\u00f6portaj, \u201cMiriam\u201d ve di\u011fer kad\u0131nlarla birlikte yerel bir STKda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Amerikal\u0131 subay \u201cY\u00fczba\u015f\u0131 Stephanie\u201dnin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 tasvir ediyor:<\/p>\n G\u0131da da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 Spehanie yapar. Ona \u201cNoel Anne\u201d deriz. Stephanie\u2019nin yard\u0131m etti\u011fi kimseler g\u00fcvenlik g\u00fc\u00e7lerini sever. Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n i\u015f bulmas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 olur. Kimin i\u015fe al\u0131naca\u011f\u0131 konusunda kurallar koyar: Hedef, y\u00fcksek e\u011fitimli i\u015fsizlerin istihdam\u0131n\u0131 en y\u00fcksek seviyede art\u0131rmakt\u0131r\u2026 O d\u00f6nemde \u00f6fke ve isyan vard\u0131. Stephanie\u2019nin arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yiyecek bulunmuyordu. 1500 ki\u015filik yiyecek ve erzakla dolu bir kamyon getirdi.[42]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n \u201cIrak\u2019\u0131n Evlatlar\u0131\u201d (IE) program\u0131 Uyan\u0131\u015f\u2019\u0131 Anbar \u00f6tesine, di\u011fer S\u00fcnni b\u00f6lgelere ta\u015f\u0131ma denemesiydi. ABD g\u00fc\u00e7leri Irak\u2019\u0131n her taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7o\u011fu S\u00fcnni 100 bin g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc toplad\u0131. Bunlara ayda 300 $ verildi. Amerikal\u0131 komutanlar IE g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fclerine g\u00fcvenlik durumu iyile\u015fti\u011finde Irak g\u00fcvenlik kuvvetlerinde veya kamu hizmetlerinde s\u00fcrekli i\u015f s\u00f6z\u00fc verdiler. Nuri El-Maliki rejiminin \u201cbinlerce silahl\u0131 S\u00fcnni\u2019yi stratejik tehdit olarak alg\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d ger\u00e7e\u011fine ra\u011fmen, 2009\u2019da program resmi olarak Irak h\u00fck\u00fcmetine devredildi. H\u00fck\u00fcmet, baz\u0131 durumlarda yarg\u0131s\u0131z infazlar ve s\u00fcrg\u00fcnler e\u015fli\u011finde IE birliklerini da\u011f\u0131tt\u0131.[43]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n \u201cUyan\u0131\u015f\u201d ve \u201cIrak\u2019\u0131n Evlatlar\u0131\u201d program\u0131 Irak\u2019taki Amerikan askeri say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 2007 itibariyle 160 bine \u00e7\u0131karmaya d\u00f6n\u00fck daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir Amerikan plan\u0131n\u0131n par\u00e7alar\u0131yd\u0131. \u201cUyan\u0131\u015f\u201d\u0131n k\u0131sa vadeli ba\u015far\u0131 kazanmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan i\u015fte bu \u201cayak basma\u201d ve b\u00fcy\u00fck finansal y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn alt\u0131na girilmesiydi. D\u00f6nemin Irak\u2019taki Amerikan komutanlar\u0131ndan David Patreus\u2019un Ekim 2013\u2019te yay\u0131nlanan uzun ve kibirli makalesinde z\u0131mni olarak kabul etti\u011fi gibi 2007\u2019den sonra asl\u0131nda Ba\u011fdat\u2019\u0131n sokak sokak yeniden fethedilmesini sa\u011flayan Amerikan birliklerinin taktiklerindeki anahtar de\u011fi\u015fim, daha \u00f6nce yerli halktan kopuk, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00fcsler yerine Amerikan askerleri i\u00e7in lokal, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli \u00fcsler in\u015fa edilmesiydi.[44]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Yine de duruma daha yak\u0131ndan bir bak\u0131\u015f bu ba\u015far\u0131n\u0131n sonunda s\u0131\u011f ve k\u0131sa vadeli oldu\u011funu bize g\u00f6sterir. \u201cUyan\u0131\u015f\u201d hi\u00e7 de mezhep ayr\u0131m\u0131ndan ve bunun \u00fcst\u00fcnde y\u00fckselen d\u00fczenden bir kopu\u015f de\u011fildi. Bu, Irak\u2019\u0131n bat\u0131s\u0131ndaki sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc boyun e\u011fmeyeceklerini g\u00f6stermelerinin ard\u0131ndan, b\u00f6lgenin sosyal ve politik elitlerinin yarar\u0131na mezhep dengesinin d\u00fcped\u00fcz \u201conar\u0131m\u0131\u201dna d\u00f6n\u00fck Amerikan \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 temsil eder. IEK, ac\u0131mas\u0131z eylemleri nedeniyle potansiyel destek\u00e7ilerini kendisinden so\u011futarak ABD\u2019ye yard\u0131m ederken, ABD para, i\u015f ve silah sa\u011flayarak i\u015fini y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc. \u201cUyan\u0131\u015f\u201d devletin mezhep ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na meydan okuyacak hi\u00e7bir \u015fey yapmad\u0131; tersine belli bir dini gruptan \u00e7\u0131kma, ba\u015fka bir silahl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 yaratarak onun daha da par\u00e7al\u0131 hale gelmesine hizmet etti.<\/p>\n Amerika\u2019n\u0131n 2008\u2019deki b\u00fcy\u00fck dalgas\u0131n\u0131n \u201czaferi\u201dni takip eden y\u0131llar pek \u00e7ok bak\u0131mdan 2003-2006 aras\u0131ndaki y\u0131llar\u0131n benzer berbatl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 devam ettirdi. Irak\u2019\u0131n bat\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen S\u00fcnni politik liderleri kendilerine devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131nda yer pazarl\u0131\u011f\u0131na giri\u015fti. Amerika\u2019yla yapt\u0131klar\u0131 i\u015fbirli\u011fi umutlar\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rd\u0131 ve Maliki\u2019nin Da\u2019wa Partisi gibi \u015eii rakiplerinin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na tazelenmi\u015f bir \u00f6zg\u00fcvenle \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar. 2010\u2019daki parlamento se\u00e7imleri ba\u015flarda devlet i\u00e7indeki politik ve mezhepsel fraksiyonlar\u0131n \u201cyeniden dengesinin sa\u011flanmas\u0131\u201dn\u0131n alameti olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc: En \u00e7ok sandalyeyi El-Irakiyya se\u00e7im bloku ald\u0131, Maliki\u2019nin Hukuk Devleti bloku ikinci geldi. Irak\u2019\u0131n S\u00fcnni a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 b\u00f6lgeleriyle g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ba\u011flar\u0131 olan bir dizi partinin i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131, eski Baas\u00e7\u0131 Iyad Allawi\u2019nin liderli\u011findeki El-Irakiyya, mezhepler aras\u0131 bir partiler ittifak\u0131 idi.<\/p>\n Bu beklenmedik yenilgi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Maliki\u2019nin tepkisi se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 iptal ederek kendisinin liderli\u011finde bir Hukuk Devleti h\u00fck\u00fcmeti kurmak oldu. Kendisinin yarg\u0131 sistemi i\u00e7indeki destek\u00e7ileri El-Irakiyya\u2019n\u0131n h\u00fck\u00fcmet kurma talebini ge\u00e7ersiz k\u0131lan kanunlar yay\u0131nlad\u0131. Aral\u0131k 2011\u2019de S\u00fcnni k\u00f6kenli cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 Tar\u0131k El-Ha\u015femi\u2019nin korumalar\u0131 tutukland\u0131. Onlar\u0131n itiraflar\u0131na dayanarak Ha\u015femi, ter\u00f6r \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc ve mezhep\u00e7i \u00f6l\u00fcm timleri kurma-y\u00f6netme su\u00e7lamalar\u0131yla hakim kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131. Devletin pek \u00e7ok \u00fcst d\u00fczey S\u00fcnni k\u00f6kenli y\u00f6neticilerinin g\u0131yab\u0131nda \u00f6l\u00fcm cezas\u0131 verildi. Maliye Bakan\u0131 Rafi\u2019a El-Issavi gibi di\u011fer \u00f6nemli S\u00fcnni politikac\u0131lar da hedefteydi. Issavi\u2019nin korumalar\u0131n\u0131n ter\u00f6rizm su\u00e7lamas\u0131yla Aral\u0131k 2012\u2019de tutuklamas\u0131 Irak\u2019\u0131n bat\u0131s\u0131nda kitlesel protesto dalgas\u0131n\u0131 tetikledi.<\/p>\n Bu arada perde arkas\u0131nda Maliki, da\u011f\u0131lmaya y\u00fcz tutan Irak silahl\u0131 kuvvetleri \u00fcst\u00fcndeki ki\u015fisel kontrol\u00fcn\u00fc belirginle\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in ac\u0131mas\u0131z bir seferberlik ba\u015flatt\u0131. \u015eii komutanlar\u0131n \u00fcst d\u00fczey r\u00fctbelere hakim olmas\u0131n\u0131 garantileyen mezhep ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na dayal\u0131 atama modeliyle yetinmeyen Maliki, Ba\u015fkomutanl\u0131k B\u00fcrosu (BB) vas\u0131tas\u0131yla sadece kendi emrine amade b\u00f6lgesel harekat komutanl\u0131klar\u0131 kurarak tamamen yeni bir komuta yap\u0131s\u0131 olu\u015fturdu. Son olarak Mukteda El-Sadr\u2019\u0131n Mehdi Ordusu\u2019ndan ayr\u0131lma Asa\u2019ib Ahl El-Hak gibi \u015eii militan gruplar\u0131na ve \u00f6l\u00fcm timlerine destek sa\u011flad\u0131. Maliki\u2019nin ordu \u00fczerindeki kontrol\u00fc ve paramiliter gruplar\u0131n kullan\u0131m\u0131, orduyu \u015eii militanlara kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele eden subaylardan temizleyen BB\u2019nin \u015fahs\u0131nda i\u00e7i\u00e7e ge\u00e7ti.[45]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Maliki rejiminin kendine has \u00f6zelliklerini (ki bunlar Irak ordusunun Musul\u2019da neden h\u0131zla \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131klamakta yard\u0131mc\u0131 olur) anlamland\u0131rmak \u00f6nemlidir. Maliki, rakiplerini zay\u0131flat\u0131p kendi iktidar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmek i\u00e7in mezhep\u00e7i retori\u011fi d\u00fczenli kulland\u0131. Ayn\u0131 zamanda mezhep\u00e7i \u015fiddete ve ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa yer a\u00e7t\u0131 ve hatta \u00f6rg\u00fctledi de. Fakat onun iktidar\u0131 y\u00fcksek d\u00fczeyde ki\u015fiselle\u015fmi\u015fti. \u0130ktidar, orduda ve di\u011fer kamu kurumlar\u0131nda ahbap-\u00e7avu\u015f ili\u015fkisine dayan\u0131yordu. Buna Musul\u2019da kendi askerlerinden \u00f6nce cepheyi terk eden ordu komutanlar\u0131 da dahildir.[46]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Nitekim m\u00fcspet veya menfi hi\u00e7bir ele\u015ftiriye tahamm\u00fcl edemeyen iktidar, takt\u0131\u011f\u0131 otoriter maskenin arkas\u0131nda asl\u0131nda k\u0131r\u0131lgan, yetersiz ve hayli i\u015flevsiz idi.<\/p>\n Irak\u2019\u0131n S\u00fcnni b\u00f6lgelerinin Maliki\u2019nin sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131na verdi\u011fi ilk cevap asl\u0131nda silahlar\u0131n g\u00f6m\u00fcld\u00fckleri yerden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 de\u011fildi. Tam tersine; Maliki\u2019nin S\u00fcnni politikac\u0131lar \u00fczerinde kurdu\u011fu bask\u0131 ve onlara sald\u0131rmas\u0131, 2011 Arap devrimlerinin sokak g\u00f6sterilerini ve [meydanlar\u0131n] i\u015fgalini and\u0131ran yayg\u0131n ve kitlesel bir protesto dalgas\u0131n\u0131 tetikledi. Protesto dalgas\u0131 Ramadi ve Felluce gibi Irak\u2019\u0131n bat\u0131 vilayetlerinde farkl\u0131 toplumsal kesimleri harekete ge\u00e7irmi\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde hareket, yerle\u015fik politikac\u0131lar\u0131 haz\u0131rl\u0131ks\u0131z yakalad\u0131. Ba\u015flarda on binlerce insan, Malikini\u2019nin \u201cter\u00f6rizmle sava\u015f\u201d markas\u0131 alt\u0131nda y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bask\u0131 politikalar\u0131na meydan okuyup mezhep ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bitirilmesini talep eden sloganlar e\u015fli\u011finde eylemlere dahil oldu. Mukteda El-Sadr da dahil bir dizi Irakl\u0131 politik isimden en az\u0131ndan s\u00f6ylem d\u00fczeyinde destek g\u00f6rd\u00fcler. Bir dizi destek a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131nda bulunan Sadr, yine de s\u00f6zl\u00fc deste\u011fin \u00f6tesinde ba\u015fka bir \u015fey yapmay\u0131 reddetti. Havija kasabas\u0131ndaki eylemlerden birine Irak g\u00fcvenlik g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin 23 Nisan 2013\u2019te vah\u015fice sald\u0131rmas\u0131 (50 ki\u015fi bu sald\u0131r\u0131da \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc) IEK\u2019nin yeniden canlanmas\u0131na neden olan d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131 oldu. IEK bu sald\u0131r\u0131ya cevap olarak bir bombalama dalgas\u0131 ba\u015flatt\u0131.[47]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Bu olaylar d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fc 2007\u2019den itibaren \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde de\u011fi\u015fim ge\u00e7iren bir ortamda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Yukar\u0131da belirtti\u011fimiz gibi 2011 ayaklanmalar\u0131na verilen kar\u015f\u0131-devrimci tepki, b\u00f6lgenin genelinde \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde y\u00fckselen mezhep\u00e7i retori\u011fi de i\u00e7inde bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131yordu (K\u00f6rfez rejimleri sosyal ve yayg\u0131n medyay\u0131 \u015eii kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 \u00f6fkeye bulad\u0131lar; ayn\u0131 zamanda ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n da ayn\u0131 \u015feyi yapmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7t\u0131lar). Elbette b\u00f6lgesel d\u00fczeyde mezhep\u00e7ilik sadece s\u00f6ylemsel bir mesele de\u011fildi. Ayn\u0131 zamanda b\u00f6lge g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin 2012-13\u2019te Suriye\u2019de sarpa saran \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya m\u00fcdahalesini de beraberinde getirdi: \u0130ran\u2019la birlikte Esad g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin yan\u0131nda yer alan Hizbullah\u2019\u0131n \u015eii militanlar\u0131; Suudi Arabistan, Katar ve di\u011fer K\u00f6rfez devletlerinin silahland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 S\u00fcnni \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele ediyordu. Esad rejimi ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta [devrimi bast\u0131rmak i\u00e7in] \u00fcyelerinin \u00e7o\u011funun y\u00f6netici elitin de mensubu oldu\u011fu Alevi kesimden gelen \u201cshabiha\u201d gibi mezhep\u00e7i milisleri harekete ge\u00e7irme karar\u0131 ald\u0131. Fakat devrimi bast\u0131rma giri\u015fimleri ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olunca, stratejisi gittik\u00e7e S\u00fcnni \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 Alevileri ve di\u011fer az\u0131nl\u0131k kesimlerini mezhep sava\u015f\u0131 \u00e7ukuruna itme y\u00f6n\u00fcne do\u011fru ilerledi; bu temelde \u0130ran\u2019dan destek sa\u011flama yolunu se\u00e7ti. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 zamanla ayaklanmaya \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck eden silahl\u0131 devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin ve yerel komitelerin temellerinin zay\u0131flamas\u0131na ve yenilmelerine neden oldu.<\/p>\n Suriye devriminin i\u00e7 sava\u015fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi Irak\u2019ta IEK\u2019nin canlanmas\u0131na da olanak tan\u0131d\u0131. Cihat\u00e7\u0131 sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n at ko\u015fturabildi\u011fi, tek tek devletlerin kontrol\u00fc d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalan yeni bo\u015f alanlar yaratt\u0131. Ayn\u0131 zamanda 15-20 senedir belirsizle\u015fmeye ba\u015flayan Irak-Suriye s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n ortadan kalkmas\u0131 s\u00fcrecini h\u0131zland\u0131rd\u0131. Bunun sonucunda Suriye\u2019deki ve Irak\u2019taki cihat\u00e7\u0131 gruplar\u0131n birbirleriyle ili\u015fkileri artt\u0131. Art\u0131k sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar, silahlar ve muharebe deneyimi bu \u00e7ok geni\u015f alanda iki y\u00f6ne do\u011fru da akmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Irakl\u0131 cihat\u00e7\u0131lar i\u00e7in Suriye, hem \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarda kendilerini etkili bir silahl\u0131 varl\u0131k olarak ortaya koyabilecekleri hem de Irak\u2019ta yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kma f\u0131rsatlar\u0131 sa\u011flayan bir alan i\u015flevi g\u00f6rd\u00fc.[48]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Fakat esas de\u011fi\u015fim ABD\u2019nin Irak devleti enkaz\u0131 ve daha geni\u015f \u00f6l\u00e7ekte Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun kaynaklar\u0131 \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan m\u00fccadelelere m\u00fcdahil olma g\u00fcc\u00fcnde ya\u015fand\u0131. 2011\u2019den sonra ABD, \u201czafer\u201d getiren \u201cayak basma\u201d politikas\u0131n\u0131 terk etmekle kalmad\u0131; ayn\u0131 zamanda saatleri geri sar\u0131p son on y\u0131ll\u0131k periyotta \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc defa Irak\u2019\u0131 fethetme imkan\u0131 ortadan kalkt\u0131. Bu, yukar\u0131da genel hatlar\u0131yla \u00e7izilen askeri ve politik ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n basit bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fildi sadece; ayn\u0131 zamanda 2008 sonras\u0131 k\u00fcresel ekonomik krizin ABD \u00fczerinde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 etkilerin yans\u0131mas\u0131yd\u0131 da. Irak\u2019\u0131n i\u015fgali Amerika\u2019ya 1 trilyon $ ve 4500 Amerikan askerinin hayat\u0131na mal oldu.[49]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Daha \u00f6nce \u201cyeni Amerikan y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131\u201dn\u0131n ger\u00e7ek bir olas\u0131l\u0131km\u0131\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yeni muhafazakar h\u00fclyalar zaman\u0131nda Amerikan subaylar\u0131na verilen ve onlara istedikleri gibi harcama yapma imkan\u0131 tan\u0131yan a\u00e7\u0131k \u00e7ekler, 1930\u2019lardan sonraki en b\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomik krizin sallad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00fcnyada art\u0131k tedav\u00fclden kalkt\u0131.<\/p>\n IEK 2010\u2019da \u00e7\u00f6km\u00fc\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Fakat iki sene i\u00e7inde \u00f6rg\u00fct canland\u0131. Bir Amerikan think-tank kurumu olan Institute for the Study of War<\/i> Eyl\u00fcl 2013\u2019te \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn \u201chortlad\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201dn\u0131 bildiriyordu. Kuruma g\u00f6re IEK Irak\u2019\u0131n her taraf\u0131nda kendisinin en me\u015fhur \u015feyi olan otomobil patlatma eylemlerini y\u00fcr\u00fctebilecek duruma geldi. Patlamalardaki kay\u0131p say\u0131lar\u0131 2008\u2019deki d\u00fczeyine ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.[50]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Ocak 2014\u2019te IEK (Suriye El Kaidesi\u2019yle birle\u015ferek ad\u0131n\u0131 I\u015e\u0130D\u2019e \u00e7evirdi), Suriye\u2019deki sab\u0131k karde\u015f \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc El Nusra Cephesi de dahil ba\u015fka cihat\u00e7\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlerle giri\u015fti\u011fi a\u011f\u0131r bir muharebe sonunda ilk defa bir \u015fehrin kontrol\u00fcn\u00fc b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle ele ge\u00e7irdi: Kuzeydo\u011fu Suriye \u015fehri Rakka.[51]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Alt\u0131 ay sonra 10 Haziran\u2019da Musul\u2019u da ele ge\u00e7irerek durdurulamaz gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnmeye ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n Bu ba\u015f d\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc askeri ve politik ba\u015far\u0131lar korkutucu de\u011fi\u015fimleri gizliyor ve I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in verili durumuyla kolayca ba\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kamayaca\u011f\u0131 zorluklar orta koyuyor. I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki en b\u00fcy\u00fck zorluk kendisinin devlet kurma iddias\u0131d\u0131r. Grubun son derece c\u00fcretkar olan, Suriye ve Irak\u2019\u0131n kalabal\u0131k merkezlerinde \u015feriat devleti kurma iddias\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in grubun kendisini gerilla \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcnden d\u00fczenli orduya \u00e7evirmesi gerek. Ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn bir gangster \u00e7etesinden (\u00f6rg\u00fct, g\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc korkuttu\u011fu esnaftan \u201cvergi\u201d al\u0131yor) ger\u00e7ekten vergi toplayan ve y\u00fczbinlerce insan\u0131n temel ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131lanmas\u0131n\u0131 garanti eden bir kuruma d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi gerekiyor. [I\u015e\u0130D gibi] kendi iradesini kabul ettirebilmek i\u00e7in \u015foke edici boyutlarda \u015fiddete ba\u015fvuran, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck, elitist ve silahl\u0131 bir \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn [bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc] kolayca ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirebilece\u011finden \u015f\u00fcphe duymak i\u00e7in \u00e7ok fazla neden var.<\/p>\n Hizbullah ve Hamas gibi belli b\u00f6lgeleri otoriteleri alt\u0131na almakta az \u00e7ok ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olmu\u015f di\u011fer \u0130slamc\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlerle I\u015e\u0130D aras\u0131ndaki en \u00f6nemli farkl\u0131l\u0131klardan birisini IEK\u2019nin 2012\u2019de yeniden canlanmaya ba\u015flamas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan nedenler a\u00e7\u0131klar. Koalisyon h\u00fck\u00fcmetine ortak olmadan \u00f6nce \u0130srail\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi on y\u0131llar boyunca sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sosyal hizmetlerle tamamlayan Hizbullah\u2019\u0131n aksine IEK 2012\u2019de kendisini koordineli hapishane firarlar\u0131yla yeniden in\u015fa etti. \u201cDuvarlar\u0131 y\u0131kma kampanyas\u0131\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131n hakk\u0131n\u0131 verdi: IEK sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 deneyimli cihat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 saflara yeniden katmak i\u00e7in Irak \u00e7ap\u0131nda hapishanelere sald\u0131rd\u0131lar. Bu sald\u0131r\u0131lardan biri 21 Temmuz 2013\u2019te Ebu Garib\u2019e d\u00fczenlendi ve en az 500 tutuklu kurtar\u0131ld\u0131.[52]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Bu arada IEK sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 El Kaide\u2019nin Suriye kolu El Nusra Cephesi ile yan yana Suriye \u00e7ap\u0131nda faaliyet de y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyordu. Yine IEK\u2019nin askeri deneyimi Suriye\u2019de geli\u015fim sa\u011flamaya d\u00f6n\u00fck kendisine f\u0131rsatlar sunuyordu. IEK Suriye\u2019de \u00f6nce El Nusra ile nihayetinde de Afganistan\u2019daki El Kaide genel liderli\u011fiyle rekabet etmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. 2010\u2019dan itibaren IEK\u2019nin lideri olan Ebu Bekir El-Ba\u011fdadi 8 Nisan 2013\u2019te Irak \u0130slam Devleti (2006\u2019dan itibaren kendisine bu ismi takm\u0131\u015ft\u0131) ile El Nusra Cephesi\u2019nin birle\u015fti\u011fini duyurdu.[53]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Bu, birle\u015fmeye kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan ve El Kaide liderli\u011finin El-Ba\u011fdadi\u2019yi k\u0131namas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan El Nusra\u2019n\u0131n lideri Ebu Muhammed El-Cevlani\u2019den ve Suriye ve Irak kollar\u0131n\u0131n sadece kendi \u00fclkelerinde faaliyette bulunmas\u0131 emrini veren M\u0131s\u0131rl\u0131 militan Ayman El-Zevahiri\u2019den k\u0131zg\u0131n tepkilerin y\u00fckselmesine neden oldu.[54]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Buna ra\u011fmen I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in Irak\u2019ta s\u00fcratle geli\u015fim g\u00f6stermesi onun ebeveyn \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6lgede b\u0131rakmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131yordu. Ba\u011fdadi\u2019nin birle\u015fmeyi duyurmas\u0131ndan hemen birka\u00e7 g\u00fcn sonra Irak ordusu, Kerk\u00fck vilayetine ba\u011fl\u0131 Havija k\u00f6y\u00fcnde S\u00fcnni protestocular\u0131n bir kamp\u0131na d\u00fczenledi\u011fi bask\u0131nda onlarca ki\u015fiyi \u00f6ld\u00fcrd\u00fc.[55]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Irak\u2019\u0131n bat\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 aylarca sallayan \u201cS\u00fcnni bahar\u0131\u201d protestolar\u0131n\u0131n bu kanl\u0131 sonu hareket i\u00e7inde silahl\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7inde olanlarla Maliki h\u00fck\u00fcmetine taviz vermeye haz\u0131rlananlar aras\u0131nda bir kutupla\u015fman\u0131n olu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n habercisi oldu. Irak h\u00fck\u00fcmet g\u00fc\u00e7leri Anbar ve Diyala vilayetlerinin S\u00fcnni mahallelerinde kitlesel tutuklamalar\u0131 beraberinde getiren \u201canti-ter\u00f6rist\u201d operasyonlar d\u00fczenlerken hareket, bir dizi mezhep\u00e7i sald\u0131r\u0131ya imza atan I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in m\u00fcdahalesine a\u00e7\u0131k hale geldi.[56]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Bu a\u015famada hala I\u015e\u0130D, \u015fehirlerden ve kitlesel eylemlerden uzak duran, hortlam\u0131\u015f bir gerilla grubuydu. Havija\u2019da orduyla halk aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalara herhangi bir I\u015e\u0130D militan\u0131n\u0131n kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 pek olas\u0131 de\u011fildir. Bu arada silahl\u0131 [S\u00fcnni] gruplar, protestocular\u0131n y\u00fckseltti\u011fi talepler etraf\u0131nda yeni Baas\u00e7\u0131 bir \u00f6rg\u00fct olan Jaysh Rijal al-Tariqa al-Naqshbandiya\u2019da\u00a0 (Nak\u015fibendi Tarikat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Milis Ordusu \u2013 NTMO) birle\u015fiyorlard\u0131.[57]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Bu a\u015famada I\u015e\u0130D, kendi alanlar\u0131n\u0131 savunan yerel silahl\u0131 gruplarla birlikte \u00e7al\u0131\u015fabilecek kadar kitlelerin g\u00fcvenini kazanabilmi\u015f de de\u011fildi. Bu durum birka\u00e7 ay i\u00e7inde ciddi bir bi\u00e7imde de\u011fi\u015fecekti: I\u015e\u0130D, hem Irak hem de Suriye\u2019de kentsel yerle\u015fim b\u00f6lgelerini resmen kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan etti ve hatta baz\u0131 yerlerde h\u00fck\u00fcmet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6netmeye veya in\u015fa etmeye giri\u015fti. \u0130ktidar\u0131n resmen ilan\u0131 I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in bu \u015fehirleri sadece fethetti\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmiyor; I\u015e\u0130D, Musul\u2019u ele ge\u00e7irmeden \u00f6nce \u015fehirde n\u00fcfuzunu art\u0131rmak i\u00e7in y\u0131llarca \u00e7abalad\u0131.[58]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Irak\u2019\u0131n Ramadi ve Felluce kentlerinde I\u015e\u0130D militanlar\u0131 bir ba\u015fka provokatif tutuklaman\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcne geli\u015fen protesto dalgas\u0131ndan istifade ettiler: 28 Aral\u0131k 2013\u2019te Maliki h\u00fck\u00fcmeti, \u00f6nde gelen S\u00fcnni politikac\u0131lardan Ahmed El-Elvani\u2019yi ter\u00f6rizm su\u00e7lamas\u0131yla tutuklad\u0131. \u0130ki \u015fehirde de protestocular sokaklara d\u00f6k\u00fcld\u00fc. Onlar\u0131n yan\u0131nda I\u015e\u0130D militanlar\u0131 belirdi. Felluce\u2019de belediye binalar\u0131na siyah bayraklar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ektiler, Ramadi\u2019yi ku\u015fatt\u0131lar ve Ba\u011fdat\u2019a giden otoyolun bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irdiler.[59]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> \u0130ki \u015fehrin politik ve askeri liderlerinden farkl\u0131 tepkiler ald\u0131lar. \u00c7o\u011funlukla Irak \u0130slami Partisi taraftar\u0131 olan ve Ba\u011fdat h\u00fck\u00fcmetiyle i\u015fbirli\u011fine haz\u0131rlanan Ramadi y\u00f6neticileri I\u015e\u0130D y\u00f6netimini reddettiler ve yerli halk\u0131 Irak h\u00fck\u00fcmet g\u00fc\u00e7leriyle birlikte militanlar\u0131 defetmeye \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rd\u0131lar. Ancak Felluce\u2019nin politik ve askeri ileri gelenleri, Irak ordusunun \u015fehri bombalay\u0131p tekrar ele ge\u00e7irme giri\u015fimlerine m\u00fcsaade etmektense yeni kurduklar\u0131 askeri konsey vas\u0131tas\u0131yla I\u015e\u0130D\u2019i vazge\u00e7irmek i\u00e7in pazarl\u0131k yolunu se\u00e7ti.[60]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Maliki h\u00fck\u00fcmeti Felluce halk\u0131n\u0131n haf\u0131zas\u0131ndaki 2004 sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n tekrar etmesine kar\u015f\u0131 duyduklar\u0131 endi\u015feyi azaltmak i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir \u015fey yapmad\u0131. Irak ordusu ku\u015fatma alt\u0131ndaki \u015fehre d\u00fczenledi\u011fi bombard\u0131man\u0131 a\u011f\u0131rla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken o, yakla\u015fan se\u00e7imlerde Felluce\u2019deki isyan\u0131n bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 se\u00e7im kampanyas\u0131n\u0131n en \u00f6nemli malzemesi yapmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor ve \u015eii birli\u011fi \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda bulunuyordu. Bunun \u00fczerine Felluce askeri komitesi \u201c\u015feytanla pazarl\u0131\u011fa\u201d [**]<\/a> tutu\u015ftu: Irak ordusuna kar\u015f\u0131 I\u015e\u0130D\u2019le birlikte m\u00fccadele etmeyi kabul ederken I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in neredeyse tamamen bo\u015falm\u0131\u015f olan \u015fehrin kontrol\u00fc \u00fczerindeki rol\u00fcn\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131rlamaya giri\u015fti.[61]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in Rakka\u2019y\u0131 y\u00f6netme deneyimi \u015fehri ele ge\u00e7irmek i\u00e7in isyanc\u0131 gruplarla birlikte davranma \u015feklinde ba\u015flad\u0131. Mart 2013\u2019te \u015eam h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin \u015fehrin \u00fczerindeki iktidar\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6km\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc ve \u00f6nemli a\u015firet liderleri Esad rejimine arkalar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.[62]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Bundan sonra I\u015e\u0130D Ocak 2014\u2019te \u015fehrin y\u00f6netimi i\u00e7in di\u011fer \u0130slamc\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlerle uzun, kanl\u0131 (ve sonunda zaferle biten) bir m\u00fccadeleye giri\u015fti. Rakka\u2019da y\u00f6netimi elde tutmak i\u00e7in verdi\u011fi m\u00fccadele I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in g\u00fc\u00e7lerini Suriye\u2019ye y\u0131\u011fd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor.[63]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a> Musul\u2019u Haziran 2014\u2019te ele ge\u00e7irinceye kadar Rakka, I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in iktidar kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 in\u015fa etmek veya y\u00f6netmekteki en b\u00fcy\u00fck ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 giri\u015fimi olarak kald\u0131. Gabriel Garroum Pla sosyal medya kaynaklar\u0131ndan da bol bol istifade ederek yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 detayl\u0131 bir ara\u015ft\u0131rmada I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in yeni devletin kurumlar\u0131 oldu\u011funu iddia etti\u011fi devlet te\u015fkilatlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131ral\u0131yor. Bu kurumlar aras\u0131nda okullar, f\u0131r\u0131nlar, medya kurumlar\u0131 ve mahkemeler var. I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in sosyal medya hesaplar\u0131ndan yap\u0131lan payla\u015f\u0131mlar t\u00fcketici koruma b\u00fcrosunun sahte ila\u00e7 kontrol\u00fc yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Evkaf Dairesi\u2019nin (\u015fer\u2019i vergi dairesi) vergi ve d\u00fckkan kiralar\u0131n\u0131 toplad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Birle\u015fik Tahsilat B\u00fcrosu\u2019nun da elektrik, su ve telefon faturalar\u0131n\u0131 tahsil etti\u011fini belirtiyor. Bu hizmetler; d\u00fczenli, halka a\u00e7\u0131k idamlar ve \u00e7arm\u0131ha germeler, alkol ve sigara gibi haram mallar\u0131 t\u00fcketenlerin yak\u0131lmas\u0131 (yine halka a\u00e7\u0131k) ve vatanda\u015flar\u0131n S\u00fcnni t\u00f6relerin I\u015e\u0130D versiyonuna uyup uymad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n sorguland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201chaysiyet\u201d kurumu gibi \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 \u015fiddet g\u00f6sterilerinin de dahil oldu\u011fu bir sistem taraf\u0131ndan \u00fcretiliyor.[64]<\/sup><\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Musul\u2019dan seyrek haber alabiliyoruz, fakat \u015fehir sakinleriyle Ekim ve Kas\u0131m 2014\u2019te yap\u0131lan r\u00f6portajlar, \u0130\u015e\u0130D\u2019in Rakka\u2019daki sistemin ayn\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 Musul\u2019da da oturtmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koyuyor. Bir \u00f6\u011fretmen olan \u201cMays\u201d I\u015e\u0130D\u2019in m\u00fcfredatta yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fikliklerden bahsederken resim ve beden e\u011fitiminin yasakland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00f6\u011frencilerin giyimleri konusunda sert kurallar\u0131n kondu\u011funu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. \u201cFaysal\u201d su k\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ve elektrik kesintilerinden bahsederken \u201cNizar\u201d daha \u00f6nce \u015fehrin Hristiyan sakinlerine ait olan evlerinin I\u015e\u0130D \u00fcyelerine verildi\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor.Neo-liberalizm, mezhep ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve emperyalizm<\/h4>\n
2003 sonras\u0131 Irak: \u201cG\u00fc\u00e7 payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131\u201d ve toplumda neo-liberalizm katk\u0131l\u0131 mezhep\u00e7ilik<\/h4>\n
El Kaide\u2019nin Irak\u2019ta y\u00fckseli\u015fi, \u201csahwa\u201d ve b\u00fcy\u00fck dalga<\/h4>\n
Maliki\u2019nin saltanat\u0131 ve mezhep\u00e7i devletin iflas\u0131<\/h4>\n
Mahpushane ka\u00e7k\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n iktidar\u0131?<\/h4>\n