{"id":1322,"date":"2020-02-25T14:11:12","date_gmt":"2020-02-25T11:11:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/marx-21.net\/?p=1322"},"modified":"2020-04-26T14:27:26","modified_gmt":"2020-04-26T11:27:26","slug":"yeni-bir-isyan-dongusu","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marx-21.net\/?p=1322","title":{"rendered":"Yeni Bir \u0130syan D\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fc"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Joseph Choonara<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz y\u0131la yeni bir k\u00fcresel isyan dalgas\u0131 damgas\u0131n\u0131 vurdu. \u0130lkbaharda i\u015faretlerini vermi\u015fti.[1]<\/a> Nisan ay\u0131na geldi\u011fimizde Cezayir ve Sudan ordular\u0131 geli\u015fen devrimci s\u00fcre\u00e7leri kontrol alt\u0131na almak \u00e7abas\u0131yla her iki \u00fclkenin liderleri Abd\u00fclaziz Buteflika ve \u00d6mer el Be\u015fir\u2019i g\u00f6revden almak zorunda olduklar\u0131n\u0131 hissettiler. Hong Kong\u2019da Haziran ay\u0131nda 2,3 milyon insan (b\u00f6lge n\u00fcfusunun \u00fc\u00e7te biri) demokratik de\u011fi\u015fim i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7ti. Temmuz ay\u0131nda protestolar, Porto Riko Valisi Ricardo Rossello\u2019yu devirdi. K\u0131\u015f aylar\u0131na girerken ayaklanmalar ya da kitlesel protestolar \u015eili, Ekvador, Kolombiya, L\u00fcbnan, Haiti, Gine, Kazakistan, Irak, \u0130ran ve Katolonya\u2019da ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bu makaleyi yazarken Fransa\u2019da g\u00f6steriler ve genel grev ger\u00e7ekle\u015fiyor, baz\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde bir y\u0131ld\u0131r toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fim i\u00e7in protesto eden Gilets Jaunes<\/em> (sar\u0131 yelekliler) harekete kat\u0131l\u0131yor – belki de bu durum isyan dalgas\u0131n\u0131n Avrupa\u2019ya ilerleyi\u015finin i\u015fareti. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nYeni\ny\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131ndan bu yana \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc m\u00fccadele d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc\nya\u015f\u0131yoruz. Birincisi 1990\u2019lar\u0131n sonundan 2000\u2019lerin ortas\u0131na\nkadar \u015firketlerin k\u00fcreselle\u015fmesine ve neo-liberalizme kar\u015f\u0131\ngeli\u015fen hareketler g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. Bunlar \u00f6zellikle D\u00fcnya Ticaret\n\u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc, G8, Uluslararas\u0131 Para Fonu ve D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 gibi\nkurumlara kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6sterilerle, Avrupa ve D\u00fcnya Sosyal Forumlar\u0131\ngibi bulu\u015fmalarda g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr oldu. Ancak m\u00fccadelenin en y\u00fcksek\nnoktas\u0131, ayaklanmalar\u0131n bir dizi \u00fclkede h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri devirdi\u011fi\nLatin Amerika\u2019da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Bu k\u0131tasal m\u00fccadele, \u00f6zellikle\nVenezuella\u2019da Hugo Chaves, Bolivya\u2019da Evo Morales ve Ekvator\u2019da\nRafael Correa ile Brezilya\u2019da\n\u0131l\u0131ml\u0131\nmuadilleri Luiz\nInacio Lula Da Silva taraf\u0131ndan\nkurulan Pembe Dalga h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri ve sol milliyet\u00e7i rejimlerin\nortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131yla sonu\u00e7land\u0131. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci d\u00f6ng\u00fc 2011\u2019de ba\u015flad\u0131. Avrupa\u2019da meydanlar\u0131 i\u015fgal eden \u0130spanya\u2019daki indignados<\/em> gibi hareketlerle birlikte Portekiz, Fransa, Yunanistan, Bel\u00e7ika, \u0130talya ve \u0130ngiltere\u2019de sendikal federasyonlar\u0131n \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kitle grevleri ile kendisini ifade etti.[2]<\/a> Kuzey Amerika\u2019da \u0130\u015fgal Hareketi <\/em>\u201cbiz y\u00fczde 99\u2019uz\u201d slogan\u0131 etraf\u0131nda d\u00fcnyaya yay\u0131lmadan \u00f6nce simgesel \u00f6nemdeki Wall Street\u2019ten ba\u015flayarak \u00e7ok say\u0131da protestocuyu bir araya getirdi. Bu m\u00fccadeleler \u00fc\u00e7 y\u0131ll\u0131k kriz ve kemer s\u0131kma politikalar\u0131n\u0131n etkisini yans\u0131t\u0131yordu. Yine de ayaklanman\u0131n en y\u00fcksek noktas\u0131 K\u00fcresel Kuzey\u2019in d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda Arap d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Devrimci hareketler \u00f6nce Tunus\u2019ta, sonra M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da diktat\u00f6rleri devirdi ve m\u00fccadele Libya, Suriye, Bahreyn ve Yemen\u2019e yay\u0131ld\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc\nisyan d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f iddias\u0131n\u0131 iki y\u00f6n\u00fcyle\nde\u011ferlendirmek gerekiyor. Birincisi, m\u00fccadeleler koordineli bir\nhareketi olu\u015fturmuyor. 4 milyardan fazla insan\u0131n \u015fu anda mobil\nileti\u015fim a\u011f\u0131na ula\u015fabilir oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fi, \u00e7e\u015fitli m\u00fccadele\nhaberlerinin k\u00fcresel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte h\u0131zla dola\u015f\u0131ma girmesi anlam\u0131na\ngeliyor. Ancak protestolar\u0131n yay\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n arkas\u0131ndaki temel\nitici g\u00fcc\u00fcn bu oldu\u011funa dair \u00e7ok az kan\u0131t var. Aral\u0131klar\u0131 ve\nkapsamlar\u0131, ortak sosyal fakt\u00f6rlerin protestolar\u0131 ortaya\n\u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. Bu durum d\u00fczenli bir tekil modele yol\na\u00e7m\u0131yor. Protestolar\u0131n kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc yanlar\u0131 var; \u00f6rne\u011fin Hong\nKong\u2019da Britanya\u2019n\u0131n eski s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci g\u00fc\u00e7 olmas\u0131 ve b\u00f6lgenin\n\u00c7in\u2019e yeniden entegre edili\u015f bi\u00e7iminin yans\u0131malar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor.\nAncak bu m\u00fccadelelerin genel \u00f6zelliklerini ve kar\u015f\u0131lar\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kan\nzorluklar\u0131 tan\u0131mlamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\u0130kincisi,\nyukar\u0131da ifade edilen d\u00f6ng\u00fclerin hi\u00e7birisinin kapsam\u0131 evrensel\nde\u011fildir. Asl\u0131nda bu d\u00f6nemde isyan\u0131n hi\u00e7 dokunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclkeler\ns\u00f6z konusu, ayn\u0131 zamanda belirleyici e\u011filimin kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6nde\noldu\u011fu -kendi iktidarlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmek i\u00e7in \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k ve\n\u015fovenizmi harekete ge\u00e7iren otoriter rejimlerin in\u015fas\u0131na\nilerleyen- \u00fclkeler de var. Hindistan, Filipinler, Brezilya ve ABD\nn\u00fcfus ya da k\u00fcresel politikalar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hi\u00e7 de \u00f6nemsiz\nde\u011filler. A\u015fa\u011f\u0131da tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z Bolivya darbesinin\ng\u00f6sterdi\u011fi gibi b\u00f6ylesi bir rejimin in\u015fas\u0131 ana ak\u0131m\npolitikalar\u0131n krizine olas\u0131 ba\u015fka bir yan\u0131t\u0131 temsil ediyor. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Direni\u015fin dinamikleri \n<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

2019 isyanlar\u0131 k\u00fcresel i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve canl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. 1,8 milyar kadar insan \u015fu anda \u00fccretli emek s\u00fcrecinin par\u00e7as\u0131, 2000\u2019den bu yana bu say\u0131 600 milyon artm\u0131\u015f durumda. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 sadece say\u0131sal olarak \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck olmakla kalm\u0131yor, ayn\u0131 zamanda her zamankinden daha fazla kentlerde ve kasabalarda yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015f durumda. K\u00fcresel n\u00fcfusun kentlerdeki oran\u0131, 2000\u2019den bu yana y\u00fczde 47\u2019den y\u00fczde 56\u2019ya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f durumda; yirmi y\u0131l \u00f6ncesine g\u00f6re kentli n\u00fcfustaki art\u0131\u015f 1,4 milyar. Mevcut isyan d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclkelerin \u00e7o\u011funda kentle\u015fme ve proleterle\u015fme bile\u015fiminin yans\u0131malar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. \u015eili\u2019de kentli i\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fc 1990\u2019da 3,7 milyondan ge\u00e7en y\u0131l 7,3 milyona, Ekvador\u2019da 2000\u2019de 3,3 milyondan 2018\u2019de 5,1 milyona \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.[3]<\/a> Kapitalizm taraf\u0131ndan yarat\u0131lan yeni s\u0131n\u0131f g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin do\u011fas\u0131na ve isyanlara nas\u0131l kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131na ili\u015fkin tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da geri d\u00f6nece\u011fim. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nAncak\ni\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n art\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n kapitalist \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin\ng\u00f6reli olarak dura\u011fanla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6neme denk geldi\u011fini not\netmek gerekiyor. D\u00fcnya ekonomisinde b\u00fcy\u00fcme, sava\u015f sonras\u0131\ngeni\u015fleme s\u0131ras\u0131nda y\u00fczde 5 kadard\u0131, ancak 1970\u2019lerdeki kriz\ns\u0131ras\u0131nda y\u00fczde 3\u2019lere geriledi. 1980\u2019lerde neo-liberal\npolitikalara ge\u00e7i\u015f, bu durumu \u00e7ok az etkiledi ve 2008 sonras\u0131\nb\u00fcy\u00fcme halen \u00e7ok zay\u0131f (tablo 1). \u00c7in\u2019i d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ikinci en\nb\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomisi d\u00fczeyine getiren b\u00fcy\u00fcme rakamlar\u0131na ra\u011fmen bu\ndurum de\u011fi\u015fmedi. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nTablo\n1: Ortalama y\u0131ll\u0131k b\u00fcy\u00fcme oranlar\u0131, belirli d\u00f6nemler <\/strong>
\nKaynak:\nD\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 ve OECD rakamlar\u0131<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t1961-1974\n\t\t<\/td>\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\ty\u00fczde\n\t\t\t5.2 \n\t\t\t\n\t\t<\/td><\/tr>
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t1975-1981\n\t\t<\/td>\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\ty\u00fczde\n\t\t\t3.1 \n\t\t\t\n\t\t<\/td><\/tr>
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t1982-1990\n\t\t<\/td>\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\ty\u00fczde\n\t\t\t3.3 \n\t\t\t\n\t\t<\/td><\/tr>
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t1991-2008\n\t\t<\/td>\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\ty\u00fczde\n\t\t\t3 \n\t\t\t\n\t\t<\/td><\/tr>
\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t2009-2018\n\t\t<\/td>\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\ty\u00fczde\n\t\t\t2.5\n\t\t<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

B\u00f6ylesi ko\u015fullarda kentle\u015fme ve k\u00fcresel i\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn geni\u015flemesi otomatik olarak yeterli ya da insan onuruna yara\u015f\u0131r istihdamla ili\u015fkilenmiyor. Bunun yerine i\u015fsiz ya da istedi\u011fi i\u015fi bulamayanlardan devasa havuzlar yarat\u0131l\u0131yor. \u00c7o\u011fu e\u011fitimini ald\u0131klar\u0131 i\u015fin asl\u0131nda olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlayan, belli bir d\u00fczeyde e\u011fitimli gen\u00e7ler son d\u00f6nemdeki isyanlarda olduk\u00e7a yo\u011fun ve g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr oldular. Baz\u0131lar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00fccretli i\u015f, ara s\u0131ra formal olabilme ihtimali olan, d\u00fczenli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki her \u015feyi kapsayan belirsiz bir kategori olarak \u201cenformal\u201d sekt\u00f6rde di\u011fer faaliyetlerle birlikte y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Bununla birlikte gecekondu b\u00f6lgeleri art\u0131yor; 2000\u2019de d\u00fcnyada 200 bin b\u00f6lge \u015fimdi kent n\u00fcfusunun \u00fc\u00e7te birine ev sahipli\u011fi yap\u0131yordu.[4]<\/a> Bunun d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yetersiz bar\u0131nma ve ula\u015f\u0131m sistemleri, giderek artan \u00e7evre kirlili\u011fi, kent sahalar\u0131n\u0131n derme \u00e7atma ve karma kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun kaderi. Bu durumun bir sonucu olarak son d\u00f6nem m\u00fccadelelerin patlama noktas\u0131n\u0131 kamu ve \u00f6zel ula\u015f\u0131m maliyetlerinin olu\u015fturmas\u0131yd\u0131.[5]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Zay\u0131f b\u00fcy\u00fcmenin y\u00fck\u00fc hi\u00e7 de e\u015fit payla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131yor. Oxfam\u2019\u0131n raporuna g\u00f6re 2015\u2019te 62 ki\u015finin zenginli\u011fi 3,6 milyar ki\u015finin (d\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun yar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n) zenginli\u011fine e\u015fit. Kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131 olarak d\u00fcnyan\u0131n yar\u0131s\u0131 olan en yoksullar\u0131n zenginli\u011fi 2010\u2019dan bu yana y\u00fczde 41 d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.[6]<\/a> Bu arada tarihsel olarak en \u00e7ok sistemin merkezinde olan s\u00fcper zenginler, \u015fimdi her \u00fclkede korkun\u00e7 miktarlarda zenginli\u011fi ceplerine indiriyorlar. Jeffery Webber\u2019in aktard\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u015eilili on milyarder gayrisafi yurt i\u00e7i has\u0131lan\u0131n y\u00fczde 16\u2019s\u0131 de\u011ferinde varl\u0131\u011fa sahip olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in birlikte b\u00f6b\u00fcrleniyorlar. The Bello k\u00f6\u015fe yazar\u0131…The Economist<\/em> i\u00e7in etkileyici bir g\u00f6zlemini payla\u015f\u0131r…\u201cBir ka\u00e7 y\u0131l \u00f6nce k\u00f6\u015fe yazar\u0131n\u0131z Santiago\u2019da 60 kadar ki\u015fiyle birlikte bir kokteyl partisine kat\u0131l\u0131r. Bir arkada\u015f\u0131 kula\u011f\u0131na \u015f\u00f6yle f\u0131s\u0131ldar: \u2018Fark\u0131ndas\u0131n de\u011fil mi; \u015eili GSY\u0130H\u2019sinin yar\u0131s\u0131 bu odada\u2019.\u201d Bu arada \u00f6zelle\u015ftirilmi\u015f e\u011fitim, sa\u011fl\u0131k, emeklilik, otoban ve su hizmetleri, y\u00fcksek tarifeli kamu ula\u015f\u0131m\u0131 gibi yoksullar \u00fczerindeki gizli zalim vergiler nedeniyle i\u015f\u00e7i ve orta s\u0131n\u0131flar krediyle ya\u015f\u0131yorlar.[7]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Benzer bi\u00e7imde L\u00fcbnan Orta Do\u011fu standartlar\u0131na g\u00f6re bile a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 e\u015fitsizlik i\u00e7inde ac\u0131 \u00e7ekiyor. En tepedeki y\u00fczde 0,1 n\u00fcfusun en d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck y\u00fczde 50\u2019si kadar kazan\u0131yor ve tepedeki y\u00fczde 1 ulusal zenginli\u011fin y\u00fczde 45\u2019ini elinde bulunduruyor.[8]<\/a> \u0130syan dalgas\u0131 i\u00e7inde e\u015fitsizli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 direni\u015fin merkezi bir tema haline gelmesine \u015fa\u015f\u0131rmamak gerek. \u0130ktidar\u0131 ve ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 bir az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 tahkim eden sosyal ve ekonomik e\u015fitsizlik, yasal ve politik sistemler taraf\u0131ndan g\u00fc\u00e7lendiriliyor. Sonu\u00e7 olarak L\u00fcbnan, M\u0131s\u0131r, Haiti ve Irak\u2019ta oldu\u011fu gibi isyanlar ayn\u0131 zamanda \u201cyolsuzlu\u011fu\u201d ya da Cezayir\u2019de oldu\u011fu gibi y\u00f6neticilerin iktidardaki s\u00fcrelerini uzatma \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 hedefe oturtuyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2008-2009\u2019dan bu yana isyanlar\u0131n arka plan\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan ho\u015fnutsuzluk artt\u0131. Ard\u0131ndan gelen on y\u0131l i\u00e7inde zay\u0131f ve k\u0131r\u0131lgan bir b\u00fcy\u00fcme ya\u015fand\u0131.[9]<\/a> \u00d6ncesinde K\u00fcresel G\u00fcney\u2019deki baz\u0131 ekonomiler \u201cemtia s\u00fcper d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fc\u201d olarak bilinen s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde f\u0131rt\u0131nadan korunabildiler. \u00c7in ekonomisinin geni\u015flemesi ve jeopolitik \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar hidrokarbon \u00fcreticisi b\u00f6lgeleri istikrars\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131, mali spek\u00fclasyonlarla desteklenen petrol, mineral ve g\u0131da fiyatlar\u0131 y\u00fckseldi. Buna yan\u0131t olarak bir dizi h\u00fck\u00fcmet daha keskin bir \u015fekilde \u201cekstraktivizm\u201de (Latin Amerika\u2019da genellikle \u201cneo-ekstraktivizm\u201d deniyor) y\u00f6neldi, do\u011fal kaynaklar\u0131n d\u00fcnya piyasalar\u0131na sunumu, devletlerin b\u00fct\u00e7e gelirlerini art\u0131racak merkezi bir kaynak olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. Pembe Dalga h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri \u201cmaden, petrol ve gaz \u00e7\u0131karmay\u0131 h\u0131zland\u0131rd\u0131 ve tek \u00e7e\u015fit \u00fcr\u00fcne dayal\u0131 end\u00fcstriyel tar\u0131ma kararl\u0131 bir ge\u00e7i\u015f<\/em>\u201d yapt\u0131.[10]<\/a> Benzer bir i\u015fleyi\u015f, kimi Afrika \u00fclkelerinde de ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.[11]<\/a> Ancak s\u00fcper d\u00f6ng\u00fc yakla\u015f\u0131k 2011 y\u0131l\u0131nda en y\u00fcksek seviyesine ula\u015ft\u0131 ve 2015\u2019e gelindi\u011finde \u00c7in\u2019de ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fcme yava\u015flay\u0131p spek\u00fclatif balon patlad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda emtia kategorilerinin \u00e7o\u011funda fiyatlar d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Neoliberal Sald\u0131r\u0131<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

\nBu\ndurum \u00e7o\u011fu h\u00fck\u00fcmet \u00fczerinde yeni bir neoliberal sald\u0131r\u0131\nba\u015flatmak i\u00e7in bask\u0131y\u0131 art\u0131rd\u0131. ABD yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n bask\u0131s\u0131\nalt\u0131ndaki Ekvador ve \u0130ran\u2019da akaryak\u0131t s\u00fcbvansiyonlar\u0131n\u0131n\nkald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, \u015eili\u2019de metro \u00fccretlerindeki art\u0131\u015f, L\u00fcbnan\u2019da\nWhatsApp aramalar\u0131n\u0131 vergilendirmeye y\u00f6nelik planlar, Kolombiya\u2019da\nemeklilik fonunda kesinti \u00f6nerileri ilk protestolar\u0131 ate\u015fledi.\nSudan\u2019da G\u00fcney Sudan\u2019\u0131n ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 ile petrol gelirlerindeki\nkayb\u0131n yans\u0131malar\u0131yla birlikte g\u0131da s\u00fcbvansiyonlar\u0131n\u0131n\nkald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ilk protestolar ba\u015flad\u0131. Bu m\u00fccadeleler\nba\u015flar ba\u015flamaz \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemin derin ho\u015fnutsuzluklar\u0131yla\nbirle\u015fti. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6fke son d\u00f6nemde ana ak\u0131m politikalar\u0131n ne kadar itibar kaybetti\u011finin de bir yans\u0131mas\u0131. Chris Harman\u2019\u0131n da ifade etti\u011fi gibi \u0130ngiltere\u2019de Margaret Thatcher, ABD\u2019de Ronald Reagan ve \u015eili\u2019de Augusto Pinochet ile neoliberal politikalara ge\u00e7i\u015f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde bu fikirler hem sosyal demokrat partilere hem de K\u00fcresel G\u00fcney\u2019deki devletlerin ba\u015f\u0131ndaki politik g\u00fc\u00e7lere n\u00fcfuz etti. Bu durum uluslararas\u0131 kapitalist kurumlar taraf\u0131ndan g\u00fc\u00e7lendirildi.[12]<\/a> Her ne kadar neoliberalizm, kitleler taraf\u0131ndan giderek daha fazla reddedilmemi\u015f olsa da -\u015eili m\u00fccadelesinde metro \u00fccretlerinin art\u0131\u015f\u0131na ili\u015fkin bir sloganda ifade edildi\u011fi gibi \u201cMesele 30 peso de\u011fil; 30 y\u0131l\u201d- neoliberal politikalar etraf\u0131ndaki konsensus, politikay\u0131 a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 dar bir kal\u0131b\u0131n i\u00e7ine itti. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ana ak\u0131m politikalar ve insanlar aras\u0131ndaki bu verili mesafe nedeniyle bi\u00e7imsel olarak demokratik \u00fclkelerde dahi kapitalist iktidar giderek daha k\u0131r\u0131lgan hale gelebildi. Son d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fanan m\u00fccadelelerin \u00e7o\u011fu devletlerin \u015fiddetli tepkisiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131, bu durum \u00f6fkeyi \u015fiddetlendirdi ve genelle\u015ftirdi. \u015eili\u2019de protestolar 7 Ekim\u2019de ba\u015fkent Santiago\u2019da \u00f6\u011frencilerin toplu ta\u015f\u0131ma ara\u00e7lar\u0131na biletsiz binme kampanyas\u0131 ile ba\u015flad\u0131. Bask\u0131 artarken protestolar da b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc; hem y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015flerde hem de isyanlarda s\u00fcpermarketler, metro istasyonlar\u0131 ve enerji \u015firketi gibi e\u015fitsizli\u011fin sembolleri hedeflenir hale geldi. Ba\u015fkan Sebastian Pinera 18 Ekim\u2019de s\u0131k\u0131 y\u00f6netim ilan etti, asker ve \u00e7evik kuvvet polislerini protestolara sald\u0131rmak \u00fczere g\u00f6revlendirdi. 25 Ekim\u2019e kadar 1,2 milyon ki\u015fi -n\u00fcfusun be\u015fte biri- Santiago sokaklar\u0131ndayd\u0131.[13]<\/a> Benzer bi\u00e7imde L\u00fcbnan, Hong Kong ve Katalonya\u2019da bask\u0131, m\u00fccadelelerin genelle\u015fmesini sa\u011flad\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nDaha\ngenel d\u00fczeyde ise politikac\u0131lara y\u00f6nelik ho\u015fnutsuzluk,\nprotestocular\u0131 s\u0131k\ns\u0131k\npolitik sistemin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcne kafa tutar hale getirdi. Bu durum\nkendisini keskin bir \u015fekilde Maruni Hristiyanlar, \u015eii ve Sunni\nM\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar, D\u00fcrzi ve di\u011ferleri aras\u0131ndaki mezhepsel\nb\u00f6l\u00fcnmeyi karakterize eden politik sistemiyle L\u00fcbnan\u2019da ifade\netti. Toplumun her kesimi kitlesel g\u00f6steriler ve grevler yoluyla\nayakland\u0131, y\u00fckselen \u201cHepsi Demek, Hepsi Demektir\u201d slogan\u0131\nyozla\u015fm\u0131\u015f sistemin t\u00fcm\u00fcnden kurtulmak iste\u011fini yans\u0131t\u0131yor.\nBenzer bir dinamik Irak\u2019ta da\ni\u015fliyor,\n\u0130ran destekli mezhep\u00e7i\nh\u00fck\u00fcmet giderek artmakta olan \u015eii b\u00f6lgeler merkezli isyan\u0131n\nbask\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda kald\u0131. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bolivya: Bir Uyar\u0131 \n<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

\n\u00d6fkenin\nilerici hareketler bi\u00e7iminde patlamas\u0131 bu s\u00fcrecin bir ifade\nbi\u00e7imi, ancak Bolivya\u2019da Morales\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 darbenin de\ng\u00f6sterdi\u011fi gibi bu durum tek olas\u0131l\u0131k de\u011fil.[14]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Morales ve Sosyalizm Hareketi (MAS) partisi 1999, 2003 ve 2005\u2019te su ve gaz \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmelerine kar\u015f\u0131 kitlesel m\u00fccadelelerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131yla iktidara geldi. \u00dclkenin y\u00fczde 62\u2019sinin kendisini yerli olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u0131rk ve s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n s\u0131k\u0131ca sarmaland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00fclkede modern zamanlar\u0131n ilk yerli ba\u015fkan\u0131 oldu. \u0130ktidarda oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde yoksullar\u0131 destekleyen \u00f6nemli reformlar\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi -2005\u2019ten 2013\u2019e kadar yoksulluk s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 alt\u0131ndaki n\u00fcfus y\u00fczde 59,6\u2019dan y\u00fczde 38,9\u2019a d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.[15]<\/a> Morales\u2019in artan oy oran\u0131 bu de\u011fi\u015fimi yans\u0131t\u0131yordu -2005\u2019te y\u00fczde 54\u2019den 2009\u2019da y\u00fczde 64\u2019e \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Ancak 2016\u2019da d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00f6nem se\u00e7imlere girmek i\u00e7in anayasay\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 referandumu kaybetti. Bu durumu yasal bir manevrayla a\u015fmas\u0131 konumuna zarar verdi. 20 Ekim 2019 se\u00e7imlerini eski Ba\u015fkan Carlos Mesa kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kazanm\u0131\u015f olsa da ikinci tur oylamadan ka\u00e7\u0131nacak kadar yeterli \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu alamad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Y\u00fcksek Se\u00e7im Kurulu oy say\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 durdurdu\u011funu ilan etti. Sa\u011fc\u0131lar se\u00e7imlerdeki usuls\u00fczl\u00fckler \u00fczerinden Morales\u2019i devirmek \u00fczere ajitasyon f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 de\u011ferlendirdiler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Protestolar\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131nda as\u0131l olarak MAS iktidar\u0131ndan uzakla\u015fan orta s\u0131n\u0131f kesimleri neoliberal merkez sa\u011f Mesa liderli\u011finde harekete ge\u00e7ti, ancak insiyatifi daha sert sa\u011fc\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler h\u0131zla ele ge\u00e7irdi. \u0130\u00e7lerinden en tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f olan\u0131, \u00fclkenin do\u011fusunda end\u00fcstriyel tar\u0131m ve gaz \u00e7\u0131karman\u0131n yo\u011fun oldu\u011fu Santa Cruz\u2019un a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerinden bir i\u015fveren lideri, Luis Fernando Camacho, takma ad\u0131 \u201cMacho Camacho\u201d olarak biliniyor. Union Juvenil Cruceist <\/em>(UJC) isimli fa\u015fist bir gen\u00e7lik grubunun kadrosu olan Camacho, Santa Cruz\u2019da yerli sat\u0131c\u0131lara sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131yla \u00fcn yapt\u0131.[16]<\/a> Kas\u0131m ba\u015flar\u0131nda polis isyan\u0131 ba\u015flad\u0131 ve Camacho bir polis arabas\u0131 \u00fcst\u00fcnde ba\u015fkent La Paz\u2019\u0131n caddelerinde gezdirildi. Ayn\u0131 g\u00fcn ordu y\u00f6netimi Morales\u2019i istifaya \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rd\u0131 ve hemen sonras\u0131nda ba\u015fkan Meksika\u2019ya ka\u00e7t\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Camacho Palacio Quemado\u2019ya girdi, yerde katl\u0131 duran Bolivya bayra\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerine bir \u0130ncil koydu ve dizlerinin \u00fczerinde \u00f6ne do\u011fru e\u011fildi,\u201cTanr\u0131 ba\u015fkanl\u0131k saray\u0131na geri d\u00f6nd\u00fc…\u201d dedi. D\u0131\u015far\u0131da tarafs\u0131z yerli Wiphala bayra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 y\u0131rtarak ate\u015fe veren Camacho destek\u00e7ileri kom\u00fcnizmin yenilgisini ilan ettiler.[17]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nPartisi\nse\u00e7imlerde oylar\u0131n y\u00fczde 4\u2019\u00fcn\u00fc alan Senator Jeanine Anes,\nt\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn beyaz oldu\u011fu kabinenin ba\u015f\u0131na ge\u00e7erek kendisini ge\u00e7ici\ndevlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 ilan etti. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bolivya sokaklar\u0131nda Anes ve Camacho\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7en insanlar deste\u011fimizi ko\u015fulsuz hakediyorlar, ancak Morales rejiminin kendisinin darbeye kar\u015f\u0131 ihtiya\u00e7 duyulan sosyal hareketi nas\u0131l zay\u0131flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da ayn\u0131 zamanda anlamam\u0131z gerekiyor. \u0130n\u015fa s\u00fcrecinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olan Morales\u2019in ba\u015fkan yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 Alvaro Garcia Lineract taraf\u0131ndan MAS projesi, sosyalizm de\u011fil, \u201cAndean kapitalizmi\u201d olarak tan\u0131mland\u0131.[18]<\/a> Pratikte bunun anlam\u0131 Webber\u2019in isimlendirdi\u011fi gibi \u201cyeniden yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f neoliberalizm<\/em>\u201ddir.[19]<\/a> D\u00fc\u015f\u00fck enflasyonu garantilemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir merkez bankas\u0131 gibi neoliberalizmin \u00e7o\u011fu ilkesi korundu. Maden ve hidrokarbonlara dayal\u0131 ekstraktif model g\u00fc\u00e7lendirildi, bu arada devlet gelirlerini art\u0131ran reformlarla bir k\u0131sm\u0131 yoksulluk azalt\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6nlemler bi\u00e7iminde do\u011frudan yoksullara transfer edilerek yeniden pay edildi. \u0130lk d\u00f6nemde harcamalarda ger\u00e7ek bir art\u0131\u015f ya\u015fan\u0131rken GSY\u0130H i\u00e7inde sosyal harcamalar\u0131n oran\u0131 sabit kald\u0131.[20]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Linera\u2019n\u0131n ifadesiyle bu durum, kapitalist devletin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcnden \u00e7ok uzakt\u0131. Daha do\u011frusu y\u00fckselen emtia konjonkt\u00fcr\u00fc s\u0131ras\u0131nda Bolivya kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na temelden bir kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f y\u00fckseltmeksizin reformlar ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebildi -her ne kadar olaylar\u0131n g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi \u00fczere bu s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00fcyeleri kendilerini politik olarak d\u0131\u015flanm\u0131\u015f hissetseler de. Bu ko\u015fullarda sosyal hareketlerin belli kesimleri devlet taraf\u0131ndan yanda\u015fla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131, baz\u0131lar\u0131 ise h\u00fck\u00fcmet mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7ine dald\u0131; di\u011ferleri, \u00f6zellikle de ekstraktivizme engel olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6lge yerli halklar\u0131 devletle \u00e7at\u0131\u015ft\u0131.[21]<\/a> 1999-2005 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki devrimci hareket bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131, enerjileri istikrars\u0131z oldu\u011fu kan\u0131tlanan reformist bir projeye g\u00f6m\u00fcld\u00fc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Reformizm ve Devlet<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Pembe Dalga dersleri 2011\u2019de ba\u015flayan 2010\u2019lar\u0131n ortalar\u0131na kadar s\u00fcren ikinci isyan d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fc m\u00fccadelelerine genelle\u015ftirilebilir. Avrupa\u2019da sendika b\u00fcrokrasilerinin inisiyatifiyle ba\u015flayan kitle grevleri sendika g\u00f6revlilerinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z hareket edebilen taban hareketine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmeden bitirildi. Avrupa ve Kuzey Amerika sokak hareketleri giderek artan bir \u015fekilde radikalizmin \u00e7ekim merkezi haline gelen yeni sol reformist g\u00fc\u00e7ler i\u00e7inde t\u00fcketti -ABD\u2019de Bernie Sanders ve Demokratik Sosyalistler, Yunanistan\u2019da Syriza, \u0130spanya\u2019da Podemos ya da \u0130ngiltere\u2019de Jeremy Corbyn \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019ni yeniden canland\u0131rd\u0131. Bu sosyalist g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ilerin g\u00fcvenini art\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve sosyalizmin alternatif oldu\u011fu hakk\u0131nda tart\u0131\u015fmalara \u00f6nayak oldu\u011fu m\u00fcddet\u00e7e memnuniyetle kar\u015f\u0131lan\u0131r. Ancak kabul etmemiz gerekir ki i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz d\u00f6nemde iktidara yakla\u015f\u0131rlarken olaylar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u00e7ok sert test ediliyorlar. Bu durum Alexis \u00c7ipras h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin Yunanistan\u2019daki kemer s\u0131kma program\u0131n\u0131 sonland\u0131rmak \u00fczere se\u00e7ilip sonra da ayn\u0131 program\u0131n uygulay\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 oldu\u011fu Syriza \u00f6rne\u011finde en net g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor.[22]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6rg\u00fctl\u00fc sol reformist politik g\u00fc\u00e7lerin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 durumda dahi reformizm kendisine bir ara\u00e7 bulma e\u011filimindedir. M\u0131s\u0131r \u00f6rne\u011finde devrimin ilk kazanan\u0131 M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Karde\u015fler idi, ger\u00e7ek reformlar yolunda \u00e7ok az \u015fey vadetmesine ra\u011fmen reformist e\u011filimler i\u00e7in bir havuz haline geldi.[23]<\/a> Bu durum M\u0131s\u0131r devletinin Abdel Fattah el-Sisi liderli\u011finde yeniden toparlanmas\u0131 ve kendi kar\u015f\u0131-devrimci \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlerini dayatmas\u0131na f\u0131rsat verdi. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u015eu anda geli\u015fen m\u00fccadeleler de ayn\u0131 tehlikeleri i\u00e7inde bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131yor. Sudan devrimini \u00f6rne\u011finde muhalefet koalisyonu \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve De\u011fi\u015fim G\u00fc\u00e7leri (\u00d6DG), kendisinin \u00d6mer el Be\u015fir\u2019in yerine ge\u00e7en Askeri Ge\u00e7i\u015f Konseyi ile pazarl\u0131klara do\u011fru \u00e7ekilmesine izin verdi. Bir de\u011ferlendirmeye g\u00f6re \u201cpazarl\u0131k stratejisi, geleneksel olarak El Be\u015fir\u2019e kurumsal muhalefet olarak i\u015flev g\u00f6ren \u00d6DG i\u00e7indeki politik partiler ile bir d\u00fczeyde a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir. Rejim ile pazarl\u0131k y\u00f6ntemleri ve parlamentoya kat\u0131l\u0131mlar\u0131 onlar\u0131 ordu ile uzla\u015fmaya haz\u0131rlad\u0131<\/em>\u201d.[24]<\/a> Ancak ele\u015ftiriler, s\u00fcrecin ba\u015f\u0131nda grevleri koordine eden ve hareket i\u00e7in sloganlar\u0131 ve talepleri sunan Sudan Profesyoneller Birli\u011fi\u2019ni (SPA) de hedefliyor.[25]<\/a> Sonu\u00e7, iktidar\u0131n payla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir anla\u015fma ile devrimci m\u00fccadeleye kat\u0131lanlar\u0131n \u00e7ok daha kapsaml\u0131 isteklerini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek bir yana eski rejimin par\u00e7alanmas\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha az\u0131na raz\u0131 olundu. Bu durum anla\u015fma imzaland\u0131ktan hemen sonra yeni bir protesto dalgas\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ekvador\u2019da CONAIE yerli hareketi 2019 ayaklanmas\u0131nda anahtar bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeydi. 1980 ortalar\u0131nda kuruldu, \u00fclkenin son d\u00f6neminde kent mahalleleri ve i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6rg\u00fctleri ile ittifak halinde bir \u00e7ok isyana giri\u015fti ve ellerini yakma pahas\u0131na retorik d\u00fczeyde ilerici ba\u015fkanlar\u0131 desteklemek \u00fczere politikaya girdi. 2000\u2019lerin ba\u015f\u0131nda h\u00fck\u00fcmeti y\u0131kmaya liderlik yapt\u0131ktan sonra 2003\u2019te ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alan eski albay Lucio Gutierrez\u2019e destek verdi. Gutierrez h\u0131zla hareketten koptu, sonras\u0131nda kendisi de iktidardan d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc, 2007\u2019de yerine yine CONAIE\u2019nin deste\u011fini alan Correa ge\u00e7ti. Correa da eski destek\u00e7ileriyle \u00e7at\u0131\u015ft\u0131, ekstraktivizm ve neoliberalizmi g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdi, hem i\u015f\u00e7i sendikalar\u0131na hem de CONAIE\u2019ye sald\u0131rd\u0131, yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 baz\u0131 yoksulluk azalt\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6nlemlerle g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdi.[26]<\/a> Bolivya\u2019da oldu\u011fu gibi bu kombinasyonun istikrar\u0131 da as\u0131l olarak y\u00fckselen emtia konjonkt\u00fcr\u00fcne dayan\u0131yordu. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u015eu anki ba\u015fkan Len\u00edn Moreno 2017\u2019de Correa\u2019n\u0131n sad\u0131k devamc\u0131s\u0131 olarak se\u00e7imlere kat\u0131ld\u0131. Ancak se\u00e7ildikten sonra keskin bir \u015fekilde sa\u011fa kayd\u0131, ABD ile ittifak i\u00e7inde IMF ile bir anla\u015fma yapt\u0131.[27]<\/a> Bu ko\u015fullarda yeniden canlanan CONAIE, yerli b\u00f6lgelerinde barikatlar, ula\u015f\u0131m sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnde grevleri takiben \u201cs\u00fcresiz genel grev\u201d ve ba\u015fkent Quito\u2019da belki de son 40 y\u0131l\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck protestolar\u0131n\u0131 kapsayan bir protesto dalgas\u0131na daha liderlik yapt\u0131. Moreno\u2019nun h\u00fck\u00fcmeti, k\u0131y\u0131 \u015fehri Guayaquil\u2019e yerle\u015fmek \u00fczere ka\u00e7t\u0131. Ancak akaryak\u0131t s\u00fcbvansiyonlar\u0131n\u0131 kald\u0131rmakla tehdit eden kararnamenin iptal edilmesinden bir ka\u00e7 g\u00fcn sonra grev durduruldu -yerliler ve i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6rg\u00fctleri yeni bir kararname i\u00e7in pazarl\u0131k s\u00fcrecinin i\u00e7ine \u00e7ekildi.[28]<\/a> Bir yorumcuya g\u00f6re CONAIE, Guayaquil\u2019in eski belediye ba\u015fkan\u0131 Jaime Nebot liderli\u011finde daha sert bir sa\u011f h\u00fck\u00fcmete yol a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131ndan korkarak Moreno\u2019nun istifas\u0131n\u0131 istemekten imtina etti.[29]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\u015eili\u2019de\n2019 m\u00fccadelelerini y\u00f6nlendirmekte sol politik g\u00fc\u00e7ler k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck\nbir rol oynad\u0131lar. Ana sosyal demokrat g\u00fc\u00e7, Michelle Bachelet\nba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda sayg\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yitirdi, bu arada\n\u00fclkenin kom\u00fcnist partisi, Nueva Mayoria<\/em>\u2019n\u0131n (Yeni\n\u00c7o\u011funluk) par\u00e7as\u0131 idi. Bu durum \u015eili\u2019de 2006 ve 2011\u2019de\n\u00f6\u011frenci hareketi i\u00e7inden \u00e7\u0131kan yeni sol yap\u0131lar\u0131n olu\u015fmas\u0131na\nalan a\u00e7t\u0131. Bunlar aras\u0131nda Revolucion Democratica<\/em> (RD)\nk\u0131smi olarak Podemos\u2019u model al\u0131yor. Onun se\u00e7im koalisyonu\nFrente Amplio <\/em>(FA). Ancak bir \u015eilili aktivistin ifade etti\u011fi\ngibi: \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[FA] g\u00f6sterilerde net bir mesaj vermekte zorland\u0131…\u201dHalkla birlikte\u201d olduklar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyemem…Ger\u00e7ekten bir taban in\u015fa etmediler. Kom\u00fcnist Parti, k\u0131yasland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck gelirli mahallelerde ve sendikalarda \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir kat\u0131l\u0131m yap\u0131s\u0131na sahip\u2026 San\u0131r\u0131m genel olarak sol, bu protestolar\u0131 beklemiyordu, bir a\u00e7\u0131dan solun temsil etmek istedi\u011fi insanlardan ne kadar uzak oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterdiler. \u015eimdi hepsi bekliyor ve yapabildiklerinin en iyisi ile m\u00fcdahil olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar\u2026 Kitle g\u00f6sterilerinden sonra cabildos\u2019lar\u0131 kurmaya ve kat\u0131lmaya y\u00f6nelik \u00e7ok \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 oldu: toplumsal kat\u0131l\u0131m i\u00e7in a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan yukar\u0131 alanlar\u2026 Bunlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar, ancak eminim Kom\u00fcnist Parti de bu cabildoslara halk\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fvik etmek i\u00e7in taban\u0131n\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7irecek.[30]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nReformist\ng\u00fc\u00e7lerin hareketin politikalar\u0131n\u0131 bi\u00e7imlendirmesine izin\nverildi\u011finde ya\u015fanacak tehlike Kas\u0131m ay\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc\nbir genel grev \u00fclkeyi sarsarken, Pinera ile s\u0131k\u0131ca yukar\u0131dan\ny\u00f6netilen bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde yeni bir anayasa haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in\nreferandum kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda sol partiler, RD\u2019nin liderleri ve FA\ni\u00e7indeki di\u011ferleri protestolar\u0131 sonland\u0131ran bir anla\u015fma\nimzalad\u0131lar. Bu durum, hareketin kurucu meclis ve Pinera\u2019n\u0131n\ng\u00f6revden al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7eren taleplerinin \u00e7ok gerisindeydi.\nKom\u00fcnistler, h\u00fck\u00fcmette ge\u00e7irdikleri zaman\u0131 unutturmak iste\u011fiyle\nanla\u015fmay\u0131 imzalamad\u0131lar, ancak memnuniyetle kar\u015f\u0131lad\u0131lar ve\ns\u00fcrece kat\u0131lmay\u0131 kabul ettiler. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eme\u011fin Yeni G\u00fc\u00e7leri \n<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Bu hareketlerin bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n alternatifi i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kendi kurtulu\u015flar\u0131na dayal\u0131 bir stratejidir. Son y\u0131llarda i\u015f\u00e7i hareketlerinin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131fsal g\u00fcc\u00fcn geleneksel kalelerinin zay\u0131flamas\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kendi eylemine y\u00f6nelik d\u00fcrt\u00fcn\u00fcn k\u00f6relmesiyle birlikte k\u00fcresel i\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde \u00f6nemli bir yeniden yap\u0131lanma ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Ancak bu sabit bir durum de\u011fildir. S\u0131n\u0131f toplumun kesimlerine belli kapasiteleri ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 oldu\u011funu a\u015f\u0131layan sosyal bir ili\u015fkidir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00fcretimdeki esas rol\u00fc sermaye \u00fczerinde onlara kolektif bir g\u00fc\u00e7 veriyor, bu arada maruz kald\u0131klar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc kapitalist egemenli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelede onlara ortak bir \u00e7\u0131kar olu\u015fturuyor. Bu sosyal ili\u015fki i\u015f\u00e7ileri kolektif m\u00fccadeleye do\u011fru zorlama e\u011filimi ta\u015f\u0131yor ve bu m\u00fccadele yoluyla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan s\u0131n\u0131f g\u00fc\u00e7leri kendi durumlar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrecek yeteneklerinin fark\u0131na varmaya ba\u015flayabiliyor.[31]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Son d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fanan m\u00fccadelelerin hepsinde sokak hareketlerinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olmak d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kolektif bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak i\u015f\u00e7ilerin rol\u00fc ayn\u0131 d\u00fczeyde merkezi olmad\u0131. \u00d6rne\u011fin Hong Kong\u2019daki demokrasi m\u00fccadelesini ana kara \u00c7in\u2019deki i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ekonomik m\u00fccadele dalgas\u0131yla ili\u015fkilendirecek bir strateji olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan aktivistler, kendilerine kar\u015f\u0131 dizilen devlet g\u00fc\u00e7lerine kar\u015f\u0131 kahramanl\u0131k gerektiren gerilla sava\u015f\u0131na do\u011fru y\u00f6neldiler. Daha da k\u00f6t\u00fcs\u00fc, bu durum kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda hareket i\u00e7inden k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir az\u0131nl\u0131k \u0130ngiliz ya da ABD emperyalizmine kendilerini \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirmeleri i\u00e7in \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 yapt\u0131. Aktivistler, i\u015f\u00e7ileri greve \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rsalar da b\u00f6ylesi bir eylemi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in gerekli ili\u015fkilerden yoksun olabiliyorlar. Hong Konglu bir aktivistin belirtti\u011fi gibi: \u201c\u00c7ok say\u0131da insan \u015fimdi i\u015f\u00e7ileri greve \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131yor, ancak bu ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olmad\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilere sanki bir \u00e7e\u015fit h\u0131zl\u0131 noodle gibi davran\u0131yorlar-tek yapman\u0131z gereken sipari\u015fi vermek, garson size hemen getirir<\/em>\u201d.[32]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak i\u015f\u00e7i direni\u015flerinin rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerlerde yeni ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan s\u0131n\u0131f g\u00fc\u00e7leri g\u00f6r\u00fclmeye ba\u015fl\u0131yor. Bir \u00e7ok yerde enformal sekt\u00f6rdeki i\u015f\u00e7ileri kaps\u0131yor. Bolivya gibi \u00fclkelerde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck esnaf a\u011flar\u0131, k\u0131rsal b\u00f6lgelerle g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 devam ettiren ge\u00e7ici \u00fccretli emek\u00e7iler ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck imalathanelerde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131 i\u00e7eriyor. S\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir kolektif eylemlili\u011fin \u00f6n\u00fcnde b\u00fcy\u00fck engeller olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen -bu i\u015f\u00e7ilerin heterojen do\u011fas\u0131, yapt\u0131klar\u0131 i\u015fin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli olu\u015fu ve genellikle g\u00fcvencesiz \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131 gibi- bu g\u00fc\u00e7ler \u00f6nemli bir rol oynuyor. El Alto\u2019daki 2003 ve 2005 ayaklanmalar\u0131nda Bolivya isyan\u0131n\u0131n kalbi, \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu s\u0131k\u0131 bir a\u011f-yerel mahalle komiteleri, b\u00f6ylesi \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin daha geni\u015f federasyonlar\u0131 ve b\u00f6lgesel i\u015f\u00e7i yap\u0131lar\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi koordine etti. Sendikalar\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen formal sekt\u00f6rden i\u015f\u00e7iler de kendi rollerini bask\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 daha b\u00fcy\u00fck m\u00fccadeleleri desteklemek olarak tan\u0131ml\u0131yorlar.[33]<\/a> Ortak yerli gelenekleriyle El Altolu i\u015f\u00e7ilerin -baz\u0131lar\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc devrimci sendikalizm ve marksizm geleneklerine sahip eski kalay madencileri- \u00e7evrelerindeki k\u0131rsal b\u00f6lgelerden k\u00f6yl\u00fc kesimlerle ba\u011flar\u0131 var.[34]<\/a> Bu eylemliliklerin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullar i\u00e7inde geli\u015fen devrimci bilin\u00e7le daha \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 pozisyona sahip Morales\u2019in MAS\u2019\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki gerilim kendisini daha a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koymaya ba\u015flad\u0131.[35]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nEkstraktivizmin\nyo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 ile baz\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7iler, hem ekstraktif end\u00fcstrilerde\n\u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar hem de bu t\u00fcr \u00fcretimi k\u00fcresel piyasalara ba\u011flayan\nlojistik a\u011f\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar yenilenen bir g\u00fc\u00e7le doldu. \u015eili\u2019de\nliman i\u015f\u00e7ileri Pinera\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6sterilerle dayan\u0131\u015fmak i\u00e7in\nilk eyleme \u00e7\u0131kanlardand\u0131; sendikal\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7iler Escondida\u2019da\nd\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6zel bak\u0131r madenini ve devlete ait maden\na\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 durdurdular. Ta\u015f\u0131mac\u0131l\u0131k grevleri Ekvador\nm\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6nemli bir \u00f6zelli\u011fiydi. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu i\u015f\u00e7i kesimleriyle birlikte genellikle devlet taraf\u0131ndan istihdam edilen, geleneksel olarak profesyonel olarak bilinen, say\u0131lar\u0131 \u015fi\u015fmi\u015f olsa da mesleklerinin ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 neoliberal d\u00f6nemde kaybettiklerini g\u00f6ren gruplar geliyor. \u00d6\u011fretmen sendikalar\u0131 \u015fimdi k\u00fcresel d\u00fczeyde merkezi bir rol oynuyorlar. Beverly Silver 2003\u2019te yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada \u015f\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yor: \u201c\u00d6\u011fretmenlerin eylemlerinin co\u011frafi da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 tarihsel olarak tekstil ve otomotiv sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnde hi\u00e7 g\u00f6r\u00fclmedi\u011fi kadar b\u00fcy\u00fckt\u00fc<\/em>\u201d.[36]<\/a> Bu t\u00fcr i\u015f\u00e7ilerin sermayeye do\u011frudan etkileri farkl\u0131la\u015fsa da m\u00fccadelelerin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesi ve koordine edilmesinde \u00f6nemli bir g\u00fc\u00e7 sunuyorlar. \u015eili\u2019de \u00f6\u011fretmen ve sa\u011fl\u0131k i\u015f\u00e7ileri grevlere kat\u0131ld\u0131. L\u00fcbnan\u2019da kamu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7iler ilk grev \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapanlar aras\u0131ndayd\u0131, sa\u011fl\u0131k \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131 bir ka\u00e7 hafta sonra greve \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar. Cezayir\u2019de yine e\u011fitim ve sa\u011fl\u0131k \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131 son y\u0131llarda olduk\u00e7a militand\u0131lar ve Sudan\u2019da SPA\u2019n\u0131n rol\u00fcn\u00fc yukar\u0131da anlatt\u0131k. Bolivya\u2019da hem 2003 hem de 2005\u2019te kentlerde ve k\u0131rsaldaki \u00f6\u011fretmen grevleri \u00f6nemli bir rol oynad\u0131.[37]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak bu gruplar\u0131n yayg\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bir g\u00f6stergesi olarak ele al\u0131nmamal\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcresel G\u00fcney\u2019in baz\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerinde sanayisizle\u015fme ya\u015fan\u0131rken egemen e\u011filim tersi y\u00f6ndedir -d\u00fcnya sanayi emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn oran\u0131 \u201caz geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerde\u201d yo\u011funla\u015fmaktad\u0131r; 1950\u2019de y\u00fczde 34\u2019ten, 2010\u2019da y\u00fczde 79\u2019a kadar geni\u015fledi.[38]<\/a> M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da hem Nas\u0131r d\u00f6neminin b\u00fcy\u00fck fabrika komplekslerinin kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 hem de yeni araba montaj\u0131, \u00e7elik \u00fcretimi ve daha k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli ila\u00e7 ve m\u00fchendislik b\u00f6lgeleri var. Bunlar genellikle ondan daha az i\u015f\u00e7i istidam eden pahal\u0131 bir dizi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck imalat\u00e7\u0131 ile yan yana duruyorlar.[39]<\/a> Benzer ko\u015fullar Cezayir\u2019de de egemen. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler giderek azalan sanayi merkezlerinde stratejik olarak \u00f6nemli hidrokarbonda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck i\u015f\u00e7i gruplar\u0131, yeterli i\u015f bulamayan ve enformal i\u015f\u00e7ilerle birlikte ya\u015f\u0131yorlar.[40]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sosyal Devrim Stratejileri \n<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7iler kendilerinin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir odak olduklar\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlad\u0131lar. Ancak \u015fu ana kadar m\u00fccadelenin ufku politik devrim oldu, devrimci m\u00fccadele arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla bir grup politik liderin ba\u015fka bir grupla de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi sosyal devrim (i\u015f\u00e7ilerin a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan kendilerinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6z y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imleri) de\u011fildir. ABD\u2019li marksist Hal Draper bir keresinde kapitalizm alt\u0131nda politik devrimlerin \u201csosyal devrim unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 uyand\u0131rma e\u011filimi<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerinde durmu\u015ftu.[41]<\/a> Ancak i\u015f\u00e7ilerin 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l m\u00fccadele dalgalar\u0131nda g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz t\u00fcrden kapitalist devlete kar\u015f\u0131 sistematik bir alternatif koyan \u00f6zy\u00f6netim organlar\u0131 do\u011furmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 durumda bug\u00fcn\u00fcn isyanlar\u0131n\u0131n kendili\u011finden ancak bu kadar ilerleyebilme e\u011filimine sahip oldu\u011fu varsay\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.[42]<\/a> Asef Bayat\u2019\u0131n 1979 \u0130ran Devrimi ile 2011 Arap Bahar\u0131\u2019n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 muhte\u015fem \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7 budur. \u0130zlenimleri \u015f\u00f6yle: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kahramanlar harekete ge\u00e7irme taktiklerinde zengin ancak d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm vizyonu ve stratejisinde zay\u0131ft\u0131lar\u2026 [onlar] isyan ettikleri ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktalar\u0131ndaki \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imleri ve y\u00f6netimleri d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ba\u015fka bir \u015fey hayal edemiyorlard\u0131\u2026 kavramsal olarak ekonomiyi y\u0131kmak istedikleri politik d\u00fczenin g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmlerinden ay\u0131rd\u0131lar ve devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131n nas\u0131l \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ya da nas\u0131l d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrebileceklerine y\u00f6nelik neredeyse hi\u00e7 a\u00e7\u0131klama sunmad\u0131lar.[43]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Asl\u0131nda M\u0131s\u0131r gibi \u00fclkelerde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli de olsa daha kapsaml\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc destekleyen devrimci sosyalist \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeler var. M\u0131s\u0131r ve b\u00f6lgedeki di\u011fer \u00fclkelerde son d\u00f6nemdeki ayaklanmalar \u00f6ncesinde y\u00fckselen i\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadelesi dalgas\u0131 i\u00e7inde i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda tabandan \u00f6nemli a\u011flar ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z sendika \u00f6rg\u00fctleri yarat\u0131ld\u0131. Ancak Bayat\u2019\u0131n sav\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f politikas\u0131na y\u00f6nelmek yerine islamc\u0131 ya da sek\u00fcler b\u00f6lgedeki b\u00fcy\u00fck muhalefet g\u00fc\u00e7leri i\u00e7in neoliberal hassasiyet ge\u00e7erli g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.[44]<\/a> Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede insanlar ayakland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda genellikle ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta bir zamanlar eski politik yap\u0131lar taraf\u0131ndan desteklenen s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 sosyal de\u011fi\u015fim e\u011filimleriyle birlikte politikan\u0131n her t\u00fcrl\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc reddediyorlar. Bu durum stalinizmin yozla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve uzun ihanetler tarihine sahip kom\u00fcnist g\u00fc\u00e7lerin itibar kayb\u0131yla g\u00fc\u00e7leniyor.[45]<\/a> \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck vizyonlar ve kurtulu\u015f \u00fctopyalar\u0131\u201dn\u0131n yerini \u201cpar\u00e7al\u0131 projeler\u201d ve \u201cdo\u011fa\u00e7lamalar\u201d al\u0131yor, hareketin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc ve yarat\u0131c\u0131 kapasitesi kutlan\u0131yor, hareketlerin i\u00e7inde esasl\u0131 devrimci de\u011fi\u015fimlerden ziyade reformlara do\u011fru bir e\u011filim yeniden \u00fcretiliyor.[46]<\/a> Bu durum, m\u00fccadeleler bir \u00e7\u0131kmaza girdi\u011finde ya da enerjilerini t\u00fcketti\u011finde reformist politikalar\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli versiyonlar\u0131n\u0131n politik sahay\u0131 tekelle\u015ftirmesine olanak veriyor. Bu de\u011ferlendirme, politik g\u00fc\u00e7lerin farkl\u0131 grupla\u015fmalar\u0131 hesaba kat\u0131larak Arap d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesine de genellenebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nE\u011fer\nbu do\u011fru ise kapitalist devlete kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc\nyo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rabilen, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7inde ger\u00e7ek k\u00f6klere\nsahip, kitlesel devrimci sosyalist \u00f6rg\u00fctler, sosyal devrimi\nkazanmak i\u00e7in basit bir \u00f6nko\u015ful de\u011fil. Buna ek olarak devrimci\nsosyalist politikalar sadece neo iberal sald\u0131r\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 koymak\nya da pop\u00fcler olmayan y\u00f6neticileri g\u00f6revden almak i\u00e7in de\u011fil,\nayn\u0131 zamanda i\u015f\u00e7i iktidar\u0131 organlar\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fturulmas\u0131, sosyal\nd\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm i\u00e7in geni\u015f kapsaml\u0131 m\u00fccadeleler ile kapitalizmin\nkendi yap\u0131lar\u0131na meydan okumak i\u00e7in de gerekli.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7eviri: \u00c7i\u011fdem \u00d6zba\u015f<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yaz\u0131, Britanya\u2019da \u00e7\u0131kan International Socialism Dergisi\u2019nin 165. say\u0131s\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yaz\u0131n\u0131n orijinaline http:\/\/isj.org.uk\/a-new-cycle-of-revolt<\/a> adresinden ula\u015fabilirsiniz.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dipnotlar<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

\n\t1.<\/a>\n\tAlex Callinicos, Camilla Royle ve Anne Alexander\u2019a ilk taslak\n\t\u00fczerinden yorumlar\u0131 i\u00e7in te\u015fekk\u00fcrler. \n\t<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t2.<\/a> Choonara, 2013.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t3.<\/a>\n\tILOSTAT ve UN DESA verileri.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t4.<\/a>\n\tDavis, 2006, s. 23 ve 26.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t5.<\/a>\n\tGini katsay\u0131s\u0131 (gelir da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131ndaki e\u015fitsizli\u011fi \u00f6l\u00e7er,\n\tkatsay\u0131 0 ile 1 aras\u0131nda de\u011ferler al\u0131r) ula\u015f\u0131m\n\tharcamalar\u0131ndaki e\u015fitsizliklere uygulanabilir. \u015eili\u2019de Gini\n\tindeksi hali haz\u0131rda hane halk\u0131 i\u00e7in y\u00fcksek 0.456, ancak ula\u015f\u0131m\n\ti\u00e7in 0.671\u2019e ula\u015f\u0131yor; Ekvador\u2019da rakamlar 0.382 ve\n\t0.706\u2014Gandelman, Serebrisky ve Suarez-Aleman, 2019, tablo A4.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t6.<\/a>\n\tHardoon, Fuentes-Nieva ve Ayele, 2016, s. 2, 13.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t7.<\/a>\n\tWebber, 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t8.<\/a>\n\tAssouad, 2017, s. 8, 11.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t9.<\/a>\n\tChoonara, 2018.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t10.<\/a>\n\tWebber, 2015, s. 161-162.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t11.<\/a>\n\tBond, 2017.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t12.<\/a>\n\tHarman, 2000, s. 34-38; Saad-Filho, 2004.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t13.<\/a>\n\tBask\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fczeyi \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131. G\u00f6z ya\u015fart\u0131c\u0131 bombalarla ya da\n\tplastik mermilerle hedef al\u0131nan 177\u2019den fazla ki\u015fi k\u00f6r oldu ya\n\tda a\u011f\u0131r g\u00f6z yaralanmalar\u0131 ya\u015fad\u0131; 19 \u00f6l\u00fc, 1200 yaral\u0131, \u015fu\n\tana kadar 18 rapor edilmi\u015f cinsel \u015fiddet ya da tecav\u00fcz, 92\n\ti\u015fkence ve binlerce tutuklama- Bodine, 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t14.<\/a>\n\tWebber ve Hylton, 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t15.<\/a>\n\tD\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 verileri.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t16.<\/a>\n\tUJC, \u0130kinci d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 Almanya\u2019dan Bolivya\u2019ya\n\tka\u00e7an s\u00fcrg\u00fcndeki Gestapo i\u015fkencecisi Klaus Barbie ile ili\u015fkide\n\tolan Carlos Valverde Barbery taraf\u0131ndan kuruldu\u2014Fabricant, 2009.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t17.<\/a>\n\tWebber ve Hylton, 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t18.<\/a>\n\tGonzalez, 2019, s. 69.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t19.<\/a>\n\tWebber, 2011, s. 177-229.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t20.<\/a>\n\tArauz ve di\u011ferleri, 2019, s. 13.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n21.<\/a>\nKayda de\u011fer bir \u00f6rnek TIPNIS olarak bilinen b\u00f6lgeden ge\u00e7en Brezilya sermayesinin Bolivya kaynaklar\u0131na ula\u015fmak ve Bolivya\u2019dan \u015eili limanlar\u0131na mallar\u0131n ula\u015f\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck otoban in\u015faat\u0131, ekolojik olarak duyarl\u0131 b\u00f6lgede ya\u015fayan yerli halk \u2013 bak\u0131n\u0131z Webber, 2012. Bu durum ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131nca baz\u0131 yerli gruplar Morales h\u00fck\u00fcmetine a\u00e7\u0131ktan meydan okumaya ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t22.<\/a>\n\tGarganas, 2015.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t23.<\/a>\n\tMarfleet, 2016, s. 117-153<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t24.<\/a>\n\tBotta, 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t25.<\/a>\n\tAlexander, 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t26.<\/a>\n\tGonzalez, 2019, s. 92-106.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t27.<\/a>\n\tWebber, 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t28.<\/a>\n\tPeralta, 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

29.<\/a> Lang, 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

30.<\/a>\n\tBeccar, 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

31.<\/a>\n\tChoonara, 2017.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

32.<\/a>\n\tYu ve di\u011ferleri, 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

33.<\/a>\n\tWebber, 2011, s. 185-186 ve 203.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

34.<\/a>\n\tWebber, 2011, s. 193.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

35.<\/a>\n\tWebber, 2011, s. 254.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

36.<\/a>\n\tSilver, 2003, s. 115.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

37.<\/a>\n\tWebber, 2011, s. 240, 244 ve 258.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

38.<\/a>\n\tSelwyn, 2017, s. 16.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

39.<\/a>\n\tAlexander ve Bassiouny, 2014, s. 71-72.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

40.<\/a>\n\tDel Panta, 2017.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

41.<\/a>\n\tDraper, 1978, s. 17-21.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

42.<\/a>\n\tBarker, 1987, s. 230-233.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

43.<\/a>\n\tBayat, 2017, s. 18.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

44.<\/a>\n\tBayat, 2017, s. 25.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

45.<\/a>\n\tMarfleet, 2016, s. 96-114.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

46.<\/a>\n\tBayat, 2017, s. 154.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referanslar<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

\nAlexander,\nAnne, and Mostafa Bassiouny, 2014, Bread,\nFreedom, Social Justice: Workers and the Egyptian Revolution<\/em> (Zed\nBooks).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nAlexander,\nAnne, 2019, \u201cLiving on Revolution Time: Understanding the Dynamics\nof the Uprisings in Sudan and Algeria\u201d, International\nSocialism 163<\/em> (summer), https:\/\/isj.org.uk\/living-on-revolution-time\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nArauz,\nAndr\u00e9s, Mark Weisbrot, Andrew Bunker and Jake Johnston, 2019,\n\u201cBolivia\u2019s Economic Transformation: Macroeconomic policies,\nInstitutional Changes, and Results\u201d, Center for Economic and Policy\nResearch, http:\/\/cepr.net\/images\/stories\/reports\/bolivia-macro-2019-10.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nAssouad,\nLydia, 2017, \u201cRethinking the Lebanese Economic Miracle: The Extreme\nConcentration of Income and Wealth in Lebanon 2005-2014\u201d, World\nInequality Lab working paper number\n2017\/13, https:\/\/wid.world\/document\/rethinking-lebanese-economic-miracle-extreme-concentration-income-wealth-lebanon-2005-2014-wid-world-working-paper-201713\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nBarker,\nColin, 1987, \u201cPerspectives\u201d, in Colin Barker (ed), Revolutionary\nRehearsals<\/em> (Bookmarks).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nBayat,\nAsef, 2017, Revolution\nWithout Revolutionaries: Making Sense of the Arab Spring<\/em> (Stanford).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nBeccar,\nIsidora Cepeda, 2019, \u201cWe Will Make a New Chile\u201d, Jacobin<\/em> (28\nOctober), https:\/\/jacobinmag.com\/2019\/10\/chile-protests-fare-hike-pinera-demands<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nBodine,\nAlison, 2019, \u201cChile Despert\u00f3! Chile Has Woken Up! The Rising\nFight against Neoliberalism in Chile\u201d, Common Dreams (26\nNovember), https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/tj57fsf<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nBond,\nPatrick, 2017, \u201cUneven Development and Resource Extractivism in\nAfrica\u201d, in Clive Splash (ed), Routledge\nHandbook of Ecological Economics<\/em> (Routledge).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nBotta,\nEmma Wilde, 2019, \u201cThe Revolution has Emerged: Sudan\u2019s Acute\nContradictions\u201d, ROAPE blog, https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/vs7cq68<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nChoonara,\nJoseph, 2013, \u201cThe Class Struggles in Europe\u201d, International\nSocialism\n138<\/em> (spring), https:\/\/isj.org.uk\/the-class-struggles-in-europe\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nChoonara,\nJoseph, 2017, \u201cClass and the Classical Marxist Tradition\u201d, in\nDeirdre O\u2019Neill and Mike Wayne (eds), Considering\nClass: Theory, Culture and the Media in the 21st Century<\/em> (Brill).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nChoonara,\nJoseph, 2018, \u201cThe Political Economy of a Long\nDepression\u201d, International\nSocialism\n158<\/em> (spring), http:\/\/isj.org.uk\/the-political-economy-of-a-long-depression\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nDavis,\nMike, 2006, Planet\nof Slums: Urban Involution and the Informal Working Class<\/em> (Verso).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nDel\nPanta, Gianni, 2017, \u201cDoes Workers\u2019 Rebellion Herald Algeria\u2019s\nComing Storm?\u201d, Middle\nEast Solidarity<\/em>,\nissue\n7, https:\/\/menasolidaritynetwork.com\/2017\/10\/02\/archive-does-workers-rebellion-herald-algerias-coming-storm\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nDraper,\nHal, 1978, Karl\nMarx\u2019s Theory of Revolution<\/em>, volume\n2: The\nPolitics of Social Classes<\/em> (Monthly\nReview).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nFabricant,\nNicole, 2009, \u201cPerformative Politics: The Camba Countermovement in\nEastern Bolivia\u201d, American\nEthnologist<\/em>,\nvolume 36, number 4.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nGandelman,\nN\u00e9stor, T\u00f3mas Serebrisky and Ancor Su\u00e1rez-Alem\u00e1n, 2019,\n\u201cHousehold Spending on Transport in Latin America and the\nCaribbean: A Dimension of Transport Affordability in the\nRegion\u201d, Journal\nof Transport Geography<\/em>,\nvolume 79, issue C.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nGarganas,\nPanos, 2015, \u201cWhy Did Syriza Fail?\u201d, International\nSocialism 148<\/em> (autumn), https:\/\/isj.org.uk\/why-did-syriza-fail\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nGonzalez,\nMike, 2019, The\nEbb of the Pink Tide<\/em> (Pluto).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nHardoon,\nDeborah, Ricardo Fuentes-Nieva and Sophia Ayele, 2016, \u201cAn Economy\nfor the 1 Percent\u201d, Oxfam briefing\npaper, https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/yd67o2lu<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nHarman,\nChris, 2000, \u201cAnti-capitalism: Theory and Practice\u201d, International\nSocialism\n88<\/em> (autumn), www.marxists.org\/archive\/harman\/2000\/xx\/anticap.htm<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nLang,\nMiriam, 2019, \u201cEcuador: Historical Victory of the Indigenous and\nPopular Movements\u201d, Rosa Luxemburg Foundation blog (15\nOctober), https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/tel8snr<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nMarfleet,\nPhilip, 2016, Egypt:\nContested Revolution<\/em> (Pluto).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nPeralta,\nPablo Ospina, 2019, \u201cThe October Rising in Ecuador\u201d, Rosa\nLuxemburg Foundation blog (17\nOctober), www.rosalux.org.ec\/en\/the-october-uprising-in-ecuador\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nSaad-Filho,\nAlfredo, 2004, \u201cFrom Washington to Post-Washington Consensus:\nNeoliberal Agendas for Economic Development\u201d, in Alfredo Saad-Filho\nand Deborah Johnston (eds), Neoliberalism:\nA Critical Reader<\/em> (Pluto).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nSelwyn,\nBenjamin, 2017, The\nStruggle for Development<\/em> (Polity).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nSilver,\nBeverly, 2003, Forces\nof Labor<\/em> (Cambridge\nUniversity Press).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nWebber,\nJeffery R, 2011, Red\nOctober: Left-Indigenous Struggles in Modern Bolivia<\/em> (Brill).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nWebber,\nJeffery R, 2012, \u201cRevolution against \u2018Progress\u2019: The TIPNIS\nstruggle and Class Contradictions in Bolivia\u201d, International\nSocialism\n133<\/em> (winter), http:\/\/isj.org.uk\/the-tipnis-struggle-and-class-contradictions-in-bolivia\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nWebber,\nJeffery R, 2015, \u201cCrisis and Class, Advance and Retreat: The\nPolitical Economy of the New Latin American Left\u201d, in Lucia\nPradella and Thomas Marois (eds), Polarizing\nDevelopment<\/em> (Pluto).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nWebber,\nJeffery R, 2019, \u201cRebellion, Reformism and Reaction in Latin\nAmerica: An Interview with Jeffery R. Webber\u201d, Verso blog (6\nNovember), www.versobooks.com\/blogs\/4477-rebellion-reformism-and-reaction-in-latin-america-an-interview-with-jeffery-r-webber<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nWebber,\nJeffery R, and Forrest Hylton, 2019, \u201cThe Eighteenth Brumaire of\nMacho Camacho: Jeffery R Webber (with Forrest Hylton) on the Coup in\nBolivia\u201d, Verso blog (15 November), https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/voelx7l<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yu, Au Loong, Chris Chan, Lam Chi Leung, Chung-Wing Lee, 2019, \u201cEverything You Need to Know About the Hong Kong Protests\u201d, Jacobin<\/em> (18 June), www.jacobinmag.com\/2019\/06\/hong-kong-extradition-bill-protest-movement<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Joseph Choonara Ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz y\u0131la yeni bir k\u00fcresel isyan dalgas\u0131 damgas\u0131n\u0131 vurdu. \u0130lkbaharda i\u015faretlerini vermi\u015fti.[1] Nisan ay\u0131na geldi\u011fimizde Cezayir ve Sudan ordular\u0131 geli\u015fen devrimci s\u00fcre\u00e7leri kontrol alt\u0131na almak \u00e7abas\u0131yla her iki \u00fclkenin […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1325,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[466],"tags":[578,577,576,155,149,7,6,13,46,575],"class_list":["post-1322","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-eko-pol","tag-bolivya","tag-choonara","tag-isyan","tag-irak","tag-lubnan","tag-marksizm","tag-marx","tag-marx21","tag-misir","tag-sili"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marx-21.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1322","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marx-21.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marx-21.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marx-21.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marx-21.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1322"}],"version-history":[{"count":21,"href":"https:\/\/marx-21.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1322\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1611,"href":"https:\/\/marx-21.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1322\/revisions\/1611"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marx-21.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/1325"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marx-21.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1322"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marx-21.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=1322"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marx-21.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=1322"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}